2.0. VIBHAJJĀVADA:

Dhamma-Vinaya—Buddhavada—Vibhajjavāda—Anattavada

2.0.1. The Pāli Dialect:

The Old Indo-Aryan period comprises Vedic Sanskrit (used in Vedas, Brahmanas and Upanishads) and classical Sanskrit (used in Mahabharata, Ramayana and Puranas). However, contemporary Sanskrit and Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (used in Mahayana texts) are later developments during the Middle Indo-Aryan period.

• What was the local dialect/language of the original composers of the Vedas?
  • That local dialect could be the early Prakrit or Pali.

Prakrit is a group of vernacular Middle Indo-Aryan languages spoken in India between the third and seventh century BCE. According to current research, Pali is a mash-up of numerous Prakrit languages that were amalgamated and heavily Sanskritized around the third century BCE.

In the context of the dhamma, the use of a Christian monastic terminology (ordination, confession, etc.) or of Sanskrit terms (karma, nirvâna, etc.) is a negligence. Their meaning is different and sometimes in contradiction with the meaning of the terms that they intend to translate and which the Buddha utilised. Pali is a dialect, not a language. Before it was written down, the collection of canonical texts was transmitted only orally. This is why there is no Pali alphabet.
[A bhikkhu is] a being who renounces (the pleasures of the world) [and a member of the sangha].

2.0.2. One-sided Approach

Verse 11: They take untruth for truth; they take truth for untruth; such persons can never arrive at the truth, for they hold wrong views.
Verse 12: They take truth for truth; they take untruth for untruth; such persons arrive at the truth, for they hold right views.

• Faith provides truths and rejects others.

• Some theories cannot be proven, so one must take them with faith.
• For example, Big Bang Theory and Darwinian Evolution are one-sided approach.
  • Georges Lemaître, a Catholic priest, is known as the father of the Big Bang Theory. He proposed this theory to explain how God created the universe. Some claimed the Big Bang Theory had been proven.
  • Darwinian Theory and Evolutionary theory proposed how a group of a species would mutate to speciate. The gradual change led to speciation has never been observed, however. The gradual change rather leads to subgroups in a family. The physicality and mentality of a species preserve themselves. Cats would always want to be cats no matter how their looks have changed, for example. Living fossils, such as seashell species and crocodilians, have had different appearances.
  • Darwin died a Christian. Physics is agnostic.

• One who knows the actual truth might not be able to show or explain it to others.
  • For example, Nibbána—the Buddha explained Nibbána for 45 years, but only a few understood it.
  • For example, Kappa Sutta explains the four immeasurable eons.
• Faith can be based on truth.
  • One can become a Buddhist by conviction after hearing or reading a verse and is convinced by it.

Buddhāvataṃsaka Sūtra:

[the Sound Hearers / arhats] constantly dwelling in the reality-limit and ultimate stillness and quietude, they were far removed from great compassion. They forsook living beings and dwelt in their own affairs. [This quote is also found in the Gandavyuha Sutra (Entering the Dharma Realm) of the Tibetan Buddhist Encyclopedia.]

• The sutra does not inform us where to find a bodhisattva to see his missions and actions to compare with the arhats. It does not compare the works of the bodhisattvas and the works of the arhats and their relationship with the living beings.

Anger Destroys All Virtue and Peace
[A moment of] ill will destroys all of these good deeds, as well as generosity and worship of the sugatas, even if one has practiced them for thousands of cosmic cycles.

• Yo c·āyaṃ kāmesu kāma·sukh·allik·ānuyogo hīno gammo pothujjaniko an·ariyo an·attha·saṃhito,
  • the devotion to hedonism towards kāma, which is inferior, vulgar, common, an·ariya, deprived of benefit,
• yo c·āyaṃ attakilamath·ānuyogo dukkho an·ariyo an·attha·saṃhito.
  • The devotion to self-mortification, which is dukkha, an·ariya, deprived of benefit.

[A] practising bhikkhu knows that as his mind changes so quickly, he has to be extremely cautious about involving himself in doubtful situations. It is better to be safe than sorry, even if this may seem over-scrupulous.

• Theravadins are encouraged to watch their own minds. One, who does not know his own mind, judging others' minds could be offensive.

Just as when a person whose turban or head was on fire would put forth extra desire, effort, diligence, endeavor, relentlessness, mindfulness, & alertness to put out the fire on his turban or head; in the same way, the monk should put forth extra desire, effort, diligence, endeavor, relentlessness, mindfulness, & alertness for the abandoning of those very same evil, unskillful qualities.

'Our minds will be unaffected and we will say no evil words. We will remain sympathetic, with a mind of good will, and with no inner hate. We will keep pervading these people with an awareness imbued with good will and, beginning with them, we will keep pervading the all-encompassing world with an awareness imbued with good will — abundant, expansive, immeasurable, free from hostility, free from ill will.'

natthi rāgasamo aggi natthi dosasamo kali natthi khandhasamā dukkhā natthi santiparaṃ sukhaṃ
no fire like passion; no evil like hatred; no ill like (the burden of) khandhas; no bliss that surpasses the Perfect Peace (i.e., Nibbāna).
santiparaṃ: santipara-, Adj.: higher than tranquility.

• Nibbána is the state of peace completely free from the burden of the nāma-rupa.

The Sangha Protects Others, According to the Buddha:

"O Bhikkhus, protecting oneself, one protects others; protecting others, one protects oneself. And how does one, in protecting oneself, protect others? By earnest practice, cultivation and development (of satipatthana). In this way, by protecting oneself, one protects others. [Sammasati - An Exposition of Right Mindfulness (Ven. P. A. Payutto)]

• For the obvious reasons, the Buddha did not say martial art, self-defence techniques, army, police, etc. can protect oneself and others. These things might protect oneself but do not protect others. Others are the other sides, enemies, foes, other martial artists, other self-defenders, other armies, other police, etc. They are trained to suppress others.

2.0.3. Theravadī: One Who Does Not Speak One-sidedly:

Vibhajjavāda.– The name given to the Dhamma by the orthodox; the term is identical with Theravāda and the Buddha is described as Vibhajjavādī. e.g., Mhv.v.171; VibhA.130; cp. Kvu. Trs. introd. p.38.

Vibhajavādo kho ahamettha māṇava nāhamettha ekaṃsavādo [Subhasuttaṃ].
I am one who speaks after making an analysis; I do not speak one-sidedly. (I do not praise the wrong way of practice ...)" [​MN 99 Subha Sutta: To Subha (translation)]
[(Brahma,vihāra) Subha Sutta:] The Buddha however tells Subha not to make summary statements without first examining or analyzing the situation.

... vibhajati uttānī-karoti "sabbe saṅkhārā aniccā"ti... explains it, & makes it plain: All processes are inconstant.
... vibhajati uttānī-karoti "sabbe saṅkhārā dukkhā"ti... explains it, & makes it plain: All processes are stressful.
... vibhajati uttānī-karoti "sabbe dhammā anattā"ti... explains it, & makes it plain: All phenomena are not-self.

Ye dhamma hetuppa bhavatesam hetum tathagato ahatesanca yo nirodhoevam vadi maha samano.

The first moment of this supermundane consciousness is termed Stream-entry (sotapatti) and the person who experiences it is a Stream-winner (sotapanna). [Path and Fruit (Sister Ayya Khema)]

While such brief teachings would escape the understanding of the great majority of the monks, those disciples with sharp faculties of wisdom could readily fathom their meaning. Under such circumstances the ordinary monks, reluctant to trouble their Master with requests for an explanation, would turn for clarification to the senior disciples whose comprehension of the Dhamma had already been confirmed by the Blessed One. So important did this function become in the early Sangha that the Buddha himself established a separate category of eminent disciples called “the foremost of those who analyse in detail the meaning of what was stated (by me) in brief.”

2.0.4. Venerable Mahākaccāna: the foremost analytical reasoner

[5]: It happened that the Buddha, having briefly explained the Dharma, went back to his cell. Then, doubting that they understood well, the monks went to Kātyāyana to ask him to explain the words of the Teacher, for, they thought: “This Venerable Mahākātyāyana, praised by the Teacher and venerated by his wise colleagues is able to explain fully the meaning” (ayaṃ kho āyasmā Mahākaccāno Satthu c’eva saṃvaṇṇito sambhāvito ca viññūnaṃ sabrahmacārīṇāṃ, pahoti c’āyasmā Mahākaccāno imassa Bhagavatā saṅkhittena uddesassa uddiṭṭhassa vitthārena atthaṃ avibhattassa vitthārena atthaṃ vibhajitum): cf. Majjhima,I, p. 110; III, p. 194, 223; Anguttara, V, p. 256, 259–260. See also Vimalakīrtidnirdeśa, French transl., p. 164–165

The Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra says: “Mahākātyāyana, during the lifetime of the Buddha, explained the words of the Buddha and made a Pi le (Peṭaka), ‘box-collection’ in the Ts’in language (Chinee), which, until today, is used in southern India.”

2.0.5. Kalyana Mitta (Spiritual Friend):

[Venerable Ananda] said that “half of the good life” is friendship with good people (kalyanamitta), companionship with good people, closeness with good people, only to be corrected by the Buddha that these are not half but actually the whole of the good life (SN. 45v.2). [Friendship, the Whole of Life Well-lived (Janet Surrey and Charles Hallisey)]
the Buddha replied that having good friendship is not half but rather the whole of the holy life. Bhikkhus who associate with kalyanamittas progress along the Noble Eightfold Path – a fact that applies to lay people as well. [Kalyanamitta – Good Friends]

2.0.6. The Path to Nibbána: How is Nibbána to be attained?

• Morality (sila)
  • Right Speech, Right Action, Right Livelihood;
• Concentration (samadhi)
  • Right Effort, Right Mindfulness, Right Concentration;
• Wisdom (pañña)
  • Right Understanding, Right Thoughts;
• Noble Eightfold Path has three categories—Sila, Samadhi, Panna.

1. Pilihlah sebuah topik yang tidak diketahui tetapi Anda berpengetahuan atau bersemangat tentangnya. Ini bisa menjadi apa pun mulai dari fenomena ilmiah tertentu hingga aspek yang kurang dikenal dari sejarah, tradisi budaya unik, hobi yang tidak biasa, atau karya seni atau sastra yang terlupakan.
2. Lakukan penelitian yang menyeluruh untuk menemukan 10 fakta menarik dan kurang dikenal tentang topik yang dipilih. Pastikan bahwa fakta-fakta tersebut akurat dan didukung oleh sumber yang dapat dipercaya.
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5. Tulislah judul yang menarik perhatian untuk posting Reddit Anda yang secara akurat merangkum konten dan memancing rasa ingin tahu. Misalnya, "10 Fakta Mengejutkan Tentang [Topik Anda] yang Akan Membuat Anda Terpesona!"
6. Postingkan konten Anda di subreddit yang sesuai dengan topik yang Anda pilih. Pastikan untuk mengikuti aturan dan panduan subreddit saat memposting.
7. Pantau posting tersebut dan terlibat secara aktif dengan komentator yang merespons konten Anda. Jawab pertanyaan, berikan informasi tambahan, dan dorong diskusi mengenai topik tersebut.
8. Pantau kinerja posting, termasuk jumlah upvote, komentar, dan keterlibatan secara keseluruhan yang diterima. Gunakan umpan balik ini untuk menyempurnakan upaya pembuatan konten Anda di masa mendatang.

• Laki-laki/Perempuan.
  
• Memiliki kost atau kontrak rumah di Surabaya Raya
  

1. Seminar, Aku udah dilulusin seminar, tapi ternyata dosen seminar aku sama dosen skripsi beda, jadi waktu aku bimbingan aku harus ngejelasin ulang penelitian aku, sialnya lagi dosen pembimbingnya ada duaa gaes:') dan dua-duanya tuh bukan dosen pembimbing aku waktu di seminar, aku mundur lagi dari awal (seminar rasanya kaya formalitas aja, aku ngerti sih ini biar nanti udah gaada beban matkul lagi jadi dilulusin, tapi, tapi kalau kaya gini aku jadi ragu, sebenernya judul aku itu beneran bisa atau engga sih buat direalisasikan) sebenernya kenapa dosennya harus 2 sih? hiks.
2. Sistem bimbingan, Dosen dua aku ga ilang-ilangan, tapi sistem doi revisi susah banget, tiap revisian itu perbab, kalau bab 1-nya masih ga sesuai menurut kriteria dia ga bisa lanjut revisi buat bab 2, kembali ke poin satu, aku bener-bener harus jelasin ulang dari awal, seandainya dia dosen seminar aku, mungkin ga bakal sesusah sekarang, bisa tiap 1 bab itu 2/3 kali pertemuan aku baru lolos, bisa lebih lama kalau masih salah, tiap bulan bimbingan beliau ga bisa tiap minggu ada juga, akupun ga bisa selalu ikut revisian, kadang sebulan hilang (walau balik lagi dan beliau juga selalu ngabarin), intinya aku bukan mahasiswa yang pinter banget...aku juga kadang bingung sama apa yang beliau mau. Pembimbing satu aku santai, tipe beliau minta laporannya dulu nanti beliau revisiin, tapi kadang lupaan buat ngasih revisian, jadi aku gatau mau ngapain lagi laporan aku itu, pas dia inget waktu udah kebuang, kadang berharap aja dia inget jadi aku bisa ngerjain revisian. aku udah nanya ke temen seperjuangan buat belajar bareng dan minta liat skripsi mereka kok, mungkin aku harus nyoba lebih keras aja buat ini...
3. Masalahnya aku dikejar waktu (dan nambah semester berarti keluar uang), aku udah ngerjain skripsi dari bulan mei tahun lalu, ini nambah satu semester dan sekarang sisa 3 bulan, aku kaya ngerasa deja vu tahun lalu, aku ga masalah kalau revisinya berkali-kali senandainya aku ga dikejar waktu. Aku jadi kesel sendiri, kaya ngerasa kurang pinter aja gitu atau mungkin aku kurang berusaha? atau gimana gatau kesel akutuhh. apa aku harus memohon ke dosennya? atau gimana? apa aku terlalu kaku? atau kurang keras kepala? aku merasa penelitian aku ga harus sempurna, aku ga masalah kalau nanti pas sidang aku dibabat abis atau dapet nilai yang ga sesuai ekspektasi, seengaknya aku maju terus bisa move on. Kalau ini rasanya kaya di tahan terus di ambang ketidakpastian, kenapa harus gini gitu.

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The origin of the modern caste system: Contribution of British

1. The caste system has no validity as per Hindu literature or philosophy.
2. The Jati system prior to British rule was a social structure to protect craftsmanship, local industries and veganism. It encouraged social responsibility and discouraged Individualism.
3. Mobility was very much present in the Jati system
4. Caste/Jati was prevalent in all religious communities, not just Hindus.
5. Multiple invasions followed by cultural imposition and slavery during Islamic rule caused widespread migration, forced conversion and poverty that resulted in people losing their Jati due to loss of vocation and change in food habits.
6. Legalizing the "Law of Manu" had broad consequences. It made the jati system rigid, eliminated mobility in the jati system and favoured Brahmins among all classes in society. In administration and military, Brahmins and other “upper castes” ended up having an upper hand.
7. While the administration favoured the upper caste, the missionaries saw brahmins as a threat to their conversion efforts. Using education and propaganda, they tried to alienate other classes from brahmins in order to convert such classes to Christianity.
8. Racism and socioeconomic factors played a vital role in deciding who is an upper caste and who is lower. In the British census itself, a parameter to decide whether a caste was higher or lower was to see whether Brahmins drink water from the community.
9. The modern caste system becomes more rigid and formalized with the census. The following accounts show how the priesthood was not exclusive to Brahmins and how the British tried to put natives into rigid classifications based on their physical attributes and prejudice upheld by the enumerators.

H. H. Risley, the 1891 census commissioner, who would soon introduce changes to the census schedule and furnish caste with a biological connotation, admitted that “many of the Brahmans of the more remote tracts have been manufactured on the spot by the simple process of conferring the title of Brahman on the tribal priests.” (Government of India, 1891 Census of India, vol. 1-2 (Calcutta: Government of India Press, 1893), vol. 1, p. 540.)

Assigning new caste categories to parts of India where these had no previous footing occurred throughout the colonial censuses of 1881 and 1891. The 1881 Census of the Panjab discussed the perils of determining the “degree of discretion to be allowed to the enumerators and supervising staff in rejecting answers given by the people and recording what they believe to be the truth.”( Ibbetson, Report on the Census of the Panjab, vol. 1, p. 485.) Caste names were, at times, introduced to people by their enumerators. In Panjab, members of an indigenous tribe known as the Syals were labelled as Rajputs, even though “not one man in a hundred of the Syals is aware that he is a Rajput.”( Ibid., p. 189.)

With his anthropometric measures and application of a seven-part racial typology to caste, H. H. Risley would make significant changes to the Indian census*. Risley’s 1891 publication The Tribes and Castes of Bengal brought him renown in administrative circles, and he was “the Empire’s leading proponent of ethnology from the 1890s until his death in 1911.”(* Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics in India, p. 129) This made Risley a likely candidate to revise the caste tables as well as the enumeration process. Critical of the 1891 national census, Risley argued that the “non-scientific” theories of caste being used were insufficient. (Herbert Hope Risley, “The Race Basis of Indian Political Movements,” Contemporary Review, vol. LVII (1890), pp. 743-767.) He felt that an ethnological understanding of caste, with an attendant set of anthropometric measures, was required. As an example of Risley’s shifting discourse concerning caste, he argued that “the Aryan type, as we find it in India at the present day, is marked by a relatively long (dolichocephalic) head a straight, finely cut (lepto-rhine) nose, a long symmetrically narrow face, a well developed forehead, regular features and a high facial angle . . . a larger series of measurement would probably add several more castes to the list.”( Ibid., p. 747.) Risley saw what he called the “remarkable vitality of caste” in the bodies of Indians themselves. (Herbert Hope Risley, The People of India (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink & Co., 1908), p. 110.)

“If the person enumerated gives the name of a well-known tribe, such as Bhil or Santal, or of a standard caste like Brahman or Kayasth, all is well. But he may belong to an obscure caste from the other end of India; he may give the name of a religious sect, of a sub-caste, of an exogamous sept or section, of a hypergamous group ; he may mention some titular designation which sounds finer than the name of his caste ; he may describe himself by his occupation or by the province or tract of country from which he comes. These various alternatives, which are far from exhausting the possibilities of the situation, undergo a series of transformations at the hands of the more or less illiterate enumerator who writes them down in his own vernacular, and of the abstractor in the central office who transliterates them into English*”.* (The People of India)

Incidentally of the remarkable vitality of caste at the present day, is to be found in the great number of petitions and memorials to which it gave rise, the bulk of which were submitted in English and emanated from the educated classes who are sometimes alleged to be anxious to free themselves from the trammels of the caste system. If the principle on which the classification was based had not appealed to the usages and traditions of the great mass of Hindus, it is inconceivable that so many people should have taken much trouble and incurred substantial expenditure with the object of securing its application in a particular way. Of these memorials the most elaborate was that received from the Khatris of the Punjab and the United Provinces who felt themselves aggrieved by the Superintendent of Census in the latter Province having provisionally classified them as Vaisyas, whereas in the specimen table circulated by me they had been placed in the same group as the Rajputs*. A meeting of protest was held at Bareilly, and a great array of authorities was marshalled to prove that the Khatris are lineally descended from the Kshatriyas of Hindu mythology, much as if the modern Greeks were to claim direct descent from Achilles and were to cite the Catalogue of the Ships in the second book of the Iliad in support of their pretensions. In passing orders on their memorial I pointed out that they were mistaken in supposing that this was the first census in which any "^working*^ attempt had been made to classify castes on a definite principle, or that the selection of social precedence as a basis was an entirely new departure. As a matter of fact the scheme of classification adopted in 1891 purported to arrange the groups more or . less in accordance with the position generally assigned to each in the social scale, as has been suggested by Sir Denzil Ibbetson in his Report on the Punjab Census of 1881.* The result, in the case of the Khatris, was to include them as number 13 in " Group XV—Traders" immediately after the Aroras of the Punjab, ten places lower than the Agarwals, and several places below the Kandus and Kasarwanis of the United Provinces and the Subarnabaniks of Bengal. The Rajputs, on the other hand, ranked first in the entire scheme as number 1 of " Group I—Military and Dominant." (The people of India)

“The principle suggested as a basis was that of classification by social precedence as recognized by native public opinion at the present day, and manifesting itself in the facts that particular castes are supposed to be the modern representatives of one or other of the castes of the theoretical Hindu system ; that Brahmans will take water from certain castes that Brahmans of high standing will serve particular castes that certain castes though not served by the best Brahmans*, have nevertheless got Brahmans of their own, whose rank varies according to circumstances ; that* certain castes are not served by Brahmans at all, but have priests of their own ; that the status of certain castes has been raised by their taking to infant-marriage or abandoning the remarriage of widows ; that the status of some castes has been lowered by their living in a particular locality ; that the status of others has been modified by their pursuing some occupation in a special or peculiar way ; that some can claim the services of the village barber, the village palanquin-bearer, the village midwife, etc., while others cannot ; that some castes may not enter the courtyards of certain temples ; that some castes are subject to special taboos, such as that they must not use the village well, or may draw water only with their own vessels, that they must live outside the village or in a separate quarter, that they must leave the road on the approach of a high-caste man, or must call out to give warning of their approach. In the case of the Animistic tribes it was mentioned that the prevalence of totemism and the degree of adoption of Hindu usage would serve as ready tests. All Superintendents, except three who were either defeated by the complexity of the facts or were afraid of hurting people's feelings, readily grasped the main idea of the scheme, and their patient industry, supplemented by the intelligent assistance readily given by the highest native authorities, has added very greatly to our knowledge of an obscure and intricate subject.” (The people of India)

“The Provincial schemes of classification are summarized in the Census Report of India, 1901, vol. i, p. 560 et seq\ Although they cannot be reduced to common terms, they exhibit points of resemblance and difference which deserve some further examination. The first thing to observe is the predominance throughout India of the influence of the traditional system of four original castes. In every scheme of grouping the Brahman heads the list. Then come the castes whom popular opinion accepts as the modern representatives of the Kshatriyas, and these are followed by mercantile groups, supposed to be akin to the Vaisyas. When we leave the higher circles of the twiceborn, the difficulty of finding a uniform basis of classification becomes apparent.* The ancient designation Sudra finds no great favour in modern times, and we can point to no group that is generally recognized as representing it*. The term is used in Bombay, Madras, and Bengal, to denote a considerable* number of castes of moderate respectability, the higher of whom are considered " clean " Sudras*, while the precise status of the lower is a question which lends itself to endless controversy. At this stage of the grouping a sharp distinction may be noticed between Upper India and Bombay and Madras. In Rajputana, the Punjab, the United Provinces, the Central Provinces, Bengal, and Assam the grade next below twice-born rank is occupied by a number of castes from whose hands Brahmans and members of the higher castes will take water and certain kinds of sweetmeats. Below these again is a rather indeterminate group from whom water is taken by some of the higher castes but not by others.” (The people of India 114)*

“Most of these new recruits from outside Bengal were high-caste Hindu peasants: Rajputs, the traditional warrior caste of northern India; or Bhumimars, the military wing of the priestly caste of Brahmins; or Brahmins themselves (though, for official purposes, the two latter groups were lumped together as Srahmins) . This reliance on high-caste recruits was partly because they were the most physicially imposing, partly because the Company assumed that these "traditional high-caste warriors" would prove to be the most loyal, and partly because Warren Hastings, the first Governor-General (1774-85), was keen to preserve Indian caste roles in the military institutions the Company was gradually imposing upon north India. The "high-caste overtones of the army" suited the political interests of the Company, wrote Alavi, because "it provided the requisite legitimacy to Company rule" (The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian)

“The first sign of discontent came at Rawalpindi in July 1849 when the 13th and 22"d regiments refused to receive their reduced pay. Though both regiments were eventually persuaded to back down, Napier was uneasy because his intelligence indicated that other disaffected regiments were in communication with their Rawalpindi comrades. He decided to act on hearing that high-caste sepoys were to blame. "When it was made known that Brahmins were at the head of the insubordinate men of the 13th and 22ný" he wrote later, "and that in the first regiment alone there were no less than four hundred and thirty, the necessity of teaching that race they should no longer dictate to the Sepoys and the Government struck me, and my thoughts at once turned for means to the Goorkas.” (The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny)
“Napier’s immediate response was to disband the regiment and replace it with the Nasiri Battalion, henceforth known as the 60h (Gurkha) N. I. "I resolved to show these Brahmins that they cannot control our enlistment, " he informed the Governor-General, Lord Dalhousie, on 27 February 1850. "1 mean to repeat the operation if anotheregiment mutinies, unless your Lordship disapproves. "47 However there were no more mutinies because, wrote Napier, the "Brahmins saw that the Goorkas, anotherace, could be brought into the ranks of the Company's Army -a race dreaded as more warlike than their own” (The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny)

“The only other recommendations of the Peel Commission that directly concern this study were those concerning recruitment: "That the Native Army should be composed of different nationalities and castes, and as a general rule, mixed promiscuously through each regiment" and "That all men of the regular Native Army ... should be enlisted for general service". 33 Both were aimed at dismantling the high-caste Hindu brotherhood in the Bengal Native Infantry that had made a general mutiny possible. Interestingly enough, the Commissioners' report made no specific mention of religion. If they had believed religion to be as central to the mutiny as most subsequent historians have done, it is reasonable to assume they would have referred to it in some way: if only to recommend the Indian government to be cautious when introducing measures which might offend the sepoys' faith. Instead the Commissioners proposed to weaken the position of the high-caste sepoys in the Bengal Army still further by broadening the recruitment base, the very policy that is said to have contributed to the mutiny in the first place” (The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny)

‘These systems remained unchanged for two decades. But during that time more and more commanding officers of the General mixture regiments began to report that long association removed any class or race differences between their men, thereby fostering a general esprit de corps. This trend was seen as increasing the threat of a mutinous combination and the General mixture system was abolished in 1883*. Thereafter, 32 regiments of Bengal infantry and 14 of Bengal cavalry were organised on the Class company or troop system; and the remaining 12 regiments of infantry and 3 of cavalry used the Class regiment system. By 1899, with a halt having been called to the enlistment of low-caste men or menial classes, there were just 22 Class company and 42 Class infantry regiments in Bengal.* Madras and Bombay also abandoned the General mixture system between 1887 and 1889: but their regiments were placed on the Class company or troop system, with the exception of one Class regiment in Madras. In general terms, the chief recruitment ground for the Bengal Army had moved from Oudh and its adjacent provinces to Nepal, the Punjab and the North-West Frontier*. In 1893, for example, only nine of the 64 regiments of Bengal infantry were composed of high-caste men: seven of 38 Rajputs and two of Brahmins.” (The Bengal Army and the outbreak of the Indian Mutiny)*

“This line of argument very naturally raises the question, wherefore then is the maintenance of so large a European army necessary? Eebellion has been crushed, and European troops are not suited for the repression of such local disturb- ances as occasionally occur. There is little present prospect of war from without, though Persia is moving towards Herat, and apparently preparing for Dost Mohammed's death. The answer which I invariably receive is this—' You cannot toll what will happen in India. Heretofore you have held the Sikhs in subjection by the aid of the Sepoys, and the Sepoys by means of the Sikhs. But see what is happening now. The Sikh soldiers are quartered all over India. They are fraternising with the natives of the South—adopting their customs and even their faith. Half the soldiers in a regiment lately stationed at Benares were converted to Hindooism before they left that holy place. Beware, or you will shortly have to cope in India with a hostile combination more formidable than any of those which you have encountered before.' If you draw from all this the inference that what you really dread is your native army, you get into the vicious circle again.” (Letters and journals of James, eighth Earl of Elgin)

1. The colonial administration policy

*“*When the policy of pleasing the natives was especially strong, under the administration of Lord Cornwallis, men of the lowest caste were, as we have remarked above, excluded from our army ; yet even among the higer classes there was the same exclusiveness as would have existed between men of the highest and lowest castes.” (The theory and practice of caste)

“Again, many of our sepoys are the descendants of men who have served us. They have been born in our camps, brought up in a daily regard for our institutions, and have known no other master than the Company. On entering the ranks they have no pre- conceived antipathies to conquer. They have learned to regard their caste no further than the regulations of the camp allow. They learn to pay little respect to its rules, and to be indifferent spectators of the most glaring offences against its spirit. To conclude with the words of the great Duke of Wellington, " I know well the feeling of the Indian army ; I know its subordination and discipline to be such, that there is no feeling of distinction as concerns religion or caste, any more than among British troops." (The theory and practice of caste)

“It was ignorance of this, which ruined the fortunes of Count Lally, and led to the annihilation of French influence in India. Lally was profoundly ignorant of the complex nature of Indian society. He forcibly employed the different castes in labours to which they had not been accustomed, or which they deemed derogatory to their dignity. The more rigour he exercised, the greater became the difficulty of finding labourers, or of getting any work done. His sepoys were disgusted. Careless of success, they fought with- out spirit, and seized every opportunity for desertion. His ill treatment of Bramins, his pillage of temples, and the excesses of his followers in their march upon Tanjore, surpassed even the worst atrocities of the Pindarrees and Senassie Fakirs, A regiment of hussars was constantly employed in cattle-lifting. The natives saw their cows and oxen driven into the French camp, where no price was paid or even promised; their sacred bulls were mercilessly slaughtered ; their women outraged to the last degree. At Kivalore, on the line of his march, stood a pagoda supposed to contain great riches. Here he halted, ransacked the place and the houses of the Bramins, dragged the tanks, and got possession of a multitude of idols, which to his bitter disappointment were found to be composed, not of gold, but of brass. On another occasion he seized Bramins, men revered as much for their piety as for their caste, and blew them from the mouths of his cannon ; by this means incurring a horrible odium without any profit. These excesses, un- popular as they would have made him in any country, had an effect upon the feeling of the Hindoos, which no favours and no successes could ever erase ; and he fell, and with him fell the French rule in India ; less by its military than its political errors ; less by its misfortunes in the field, than by disaffection in its own •camp, arising from this very subject of caste.” (The theory and practice of caste)

“What was practised in terms of employment was replicated in the field of education too. The early educational institutions established by the British were Sanskrit colleges of Banaras (1792), Calcutta (1821) and Poona (1821) and College of Fort St. George (1812), gave educational access to Brahmins alone. The colleges at Agra (1824) and Delhi (1825) were meant for the Hindu and Muslim landed aristocracy. The intellectual support to these elite came from Orientalists who controlled the administration in Bengal and North India. They used the Dharmasastras as reference texts and not the existing customary laws to justify their arguments. They also argued that traditionally in the Hindu society, Brahmins alone had access to knowledge—which was true for Sanskrit schools but not for vernacular schools” (Colonial State as ‘New Manu’? Explorations in Education Policies in Relation to Dalit and Low-Caste Education 90)

• Directly it created a class of persons that has no connection with native culture or knowledge. Based on tastes, opinions and morality they were more British than Indians.
• By stopping all support for traditional education and Sanskrit, the original knowledge and tradition of the natives became forgotten. This created a new class of people who are not Indian nor British in opinion and taste. The next generation had no opportunity to interact with the traditional culture, literature or knowledge. They later came under the influence of “Brown British”, the class of people created directly by Macaulay’s education policy and took opinions that are in conflict with the tradition and original culture of the native civilization**.** (Downward Filtration Theory)
• Discouraging native schools and the policy of no upper caste in prominent positions in turn helped the missionaries to alienate Brahmins from the native people. It was a deliberate move to eliminate any threats that might rise due to unity among natives. Such policies also made sure that the majority of the native population remain out of the influence of the brahmins and they have no way to learn their actual tradition and culture in an authentic way; as a result, they become an easier target for conversion efforts by missionaries.