2013.09.13 21:23 sirmentio Text-To-Speech
2012.02.10 19:51 skyroof_hilltop đHAHA DAE MINIONS!!!đ
2008.12.19 21:11 Confess your secrets
2024.05.18 21:18 Definition_Novel Vytautas Montvila: the Lithuanian Diasporaâs true unsung hero.
In the age of current mass glorification via media from Lithuania and the United States of diaspora Lithuanian fascists like Adolfas Ramanauskas (Ramanauskas was born in New Britain, Connecticut, USA and later moved to Lithuania, later collaborating with Nazis during their invasion) or Lithuanian exile fascists like Jonas Mekas, few diaspora Lithuanians remember the names of revolutionary socialist Lithuanian diaspora heroes like Vytautas Montvila or Antanas Bimba. Antanas Bimba was a Lithuanian involved in the early American Communist movement, and a post will be made for him sometime later. As for the story of Montvila, It is up to Lithuanians everywhere to give this man his credit as a hero and martyr against fascism. Vytautas was born to to an ethnic Lithuanian Catholic immigrant family in 1902 in the city of St. Charles, Illinois. His family, like many Lithuanian immigrants to America at the time, left Lithuania due to persecution by czarist Russian Empire authorities, whom sought to ban Lithuanian language as well as restrict the Catholic Church in favor of Orthodoxy. This persecution under czarism caused many minorities, particularly ethnic Lithuanian Catholics and Lithuanian Jews, to move often to the United States, Canada, or South American nations. In 1906, he and his family returned to Lithuania, moving to the city of MarijampolÄ. The family later moved to DeguÄiai, then a MarijampolÄ suburb. submitted by Definition_Novel to TheDeprogram [link] [comments] As Vytautas grew older, between the years of 1922-26 he joined the KÄdainiai Teacherâs Seminary. It was somewhat of a social club for study, covering a wide range of topics, such as science, culture, atheism, and philosophy. Members were of various political parties, but it was here Vytautas became acquainted with local Communist activists and gained entry into the wider movement. The communists at these meetings often discussed Marxist theory, offered to share sections of the Communist Manifesto, and recruited members into local Workerâs Guilds. In 1923, he began writing his early poetry, often revolutionary in nature and influenced by avant-garde style. In his most famous poem, âNaktys be NakvynÄsâ (ENG: âNights Without Accommodationâ), written early in his career, he champions revolutionary socialism and personifies art of poetry as a tool for revolution. His later work from 1940-41 reflects the new Soviet period, condemns the reactionary past, hoping towards a socialist future in Lithuania. These later poems were influenced heavily by the works of fellow Soviet poet V. Mayakovsky, whose works Montvila enjoyed. These later works by Montvila were of a topical oratorical style, and he is credited often with having laid the foundation for other Lithuanian Soviet poets at the time. Montvila also wrote short stories and portions of novels. Among other feats, he translated the novel âMotherâ by fellow Soviet writer Maxim Gorky, from Russian into Lithuanian, as well as translated the writer Ămile Zolaâs novel âThe Collapseâ from its original French into Lithuanian. He shortly then studied in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Lithuania (Today, Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas). Following his departure from university, he began a life fully committed to revolutionary socialist activism. In 1929, in an effort to organizationally unify leftist writers against the bourgeoisie, he published the revolutionary almanac âRaketaâ (ENG: âRocket.â) For this, he was imprisoned from his arrest in 1929 to 1931. During 1935, he moved back to MarijampolÄ, and published the âSkardasâ (ENG: âTinâ) workerâs newspaper for the Communist faction of the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party. He also published other socialist newspapers, titled âDarbasâ (ENG: âWorkâ), âKultĹŤraâ (ENG: âCultureâ), âAuĹĄrineâ (ENG: âDawnâ), and âProĹĄvaistÄâ (ENG: âThe Lightâ) for various leftist organizations. He simultaneously worked odd jobs to add to his livelihood. Upon establishment of the Soviet Lithuanian government in 1940, Montvila, like many leftist Lithuanian citizens, was thrilled and ready for change, having been oppressed in a society previously plagued by issues such as anti-communism, rural serfdom, clerical fascism, anti-Semitism, and capitalist exploitation of all of the working people of Lithuania. Vytautas dedicated specialized time to working with Soviet authorities to publish and translate revolutionary texts from various authors, as well as delivering his own revolutionary pro-Soviet speeches. He continued this into 1941, the final year of his life. Upon the Nazi invasion of Lithuania in mid-1941, he was captured by local collaborators and Gestapo. According to documents, he did not run or resist, rather instead defiantly, in true revolutionary martyr manner, insulted his captors. He was taken prisoner to the 9th Fort in Kaunas, where he was executed, being shot to death on July 19th, 1941, killed alongside many other Jewish and leftist victims of Nazi and collaborator fascist terror. To leftists who are aware of his heroism and revolutionary martyrdom, he is often compared to fellow revolutionary and Spanish poet F. Garcia Lorca, a leftist whom was executed by the Francoists. Vytautas, Lorca, and all revolutionaries shall be remembered forever. May we remember Vytautas Montvila, a hero to all Lithuanians, but especially to Lithuanians in the diaspora! Remember Vytautas Montvila, both uniquely a hero to Lithuanian-Americans, and the people of Lithuania! |
2024.05.18 21:07 fintech07 How to Enable ChatGPT4 Voice to Voice on Phone
Enabling ChatGPT-4's voice-to-voice feature on your phone involves setting up and using voice input and output functionalities to interact with the model. Hereâs a detailed guide on how to do it: submitted by fintech07 to AIToolsTech [link] [comments] Step 1: Installing the ChatGPT App
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2024.05.18 21:05 Definition_Novel Vytautas Montvila: the Lithuanian Diasporaâs true unsung hero.
In the age of current mass glorification via media from Lithuania and the United States of diaspora Lithuanian fascists like Adolfas Ramanauskas (Ramanauskas was born in New Britain, Connecticut, USA and later moved to Lithuania, later collaborating with Nazis during their invasion) or Lithuanian exile fascists like Jonas Mekas, few diaspora Lithuanians remember the names of revolutionary socialist Lithuanian diaspora heroes like Vytautas Montvila or Antanas Bimba. Antanas Bimba was a Lithuanian involved in the early American Communist movement, and a post will be made for him sometime later. As for the story of Montvila, It is up to Lithuanians everywhere to give this man his credit as a hero and martyr against fascism. Vytautas was born to to an ethnic Lithuanian Catholic immigrant family in 1902 in the city of St. Charles, Illinois. His family, like many Lithuanian immigrants to America at the time, left due to persecution by czarist Russian Empire authorities, whom sought to ban Lithuanian language as well as restrict the Catholic Church in favor of Orthodoxy. This persecution under czarism caused many minorities, particularly ethnic Lithuanian Catholics and Lithuanian Jews, to move often to the United States, Canada, or South American nations. In 1906, he and his family returned to Lithuania, moving to the city of MarijampolÄ. The family later moved to DeguÄiai, then a MarijampolÄ suburb. submitted by Definition_Novel to sendinthetanks [link] [comments] As Vytautas grew older, between the years of 1922-26 he joined the KÄdainiai Teacherâs Seminary. It was somewhat of a social club for study, covering a wide range of topics, such as science, culture, atheism, and philosophy. Members were of various political parties, but it was here Vytautas became acquainted with local Communist activists and gained entry into the wider movement. The communists at these meetings often discussed Marxist theory, offered to share sections of the Communist Manifesto, and recruited members into local Workerâs Guilds. In 1923, he began writing his early poetry, often revolutionary in nature and influenced by avant-garde style. In his most famous poem, âNaktys be NakvynÄsâ (ENG: âNights Without Accommodationâ), written early in his career, he champions revolutionary socialism and personifies art of poetry as a tool for revolution. His later work from 1940-41 reflects the new Soviet period, condemns the reactionary past, hoping towards a socialist future in Lithuania. These later poems were influenced heavily by the works of fellow Soviet poet V. Mayakovsky, whose works Montvila enjoyed. These later works by Montvila were of a topical oratorical style, and he is credited often with having laid the foundation for other Lithuanian Soviet poets at the time. Montvila also wrote short stories and portions of novels. Among other feats, he translated the novel âMotherâ by fellow Soviet writer Maxim Gorky, from Russian into Lithuanian, as well as translated the writer Ămile Zolaâs novel âThe Collapseâ from its original French into Lithuanian. He shortly then studied in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Lithuania (Today, Vytautas Magnus University in Kaunas). Following his departure from university, he began a life fully committed to revolutionary socialist activism. In 1929, in an effort to organizationally unify leftist writers against the bourgeoisie, he published the revolutionary almanac âRaketaâ (ENG: âRocket.â) For this, he was imprisoned from his arrest in 1929 to 1931. During 1935, he moved back to MarijampolÄ, and published the âSkardasâ (ENG: âTinâ) workerâs newspaper for the Communist faction of the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party. He also published other socialist newspapers, titled âDarbasâ (ENG: âWorkâ), âKultĹŤraâ (ENG: âCultureâ), âAuĹĄrineâ (ENG: âDawnâ), and âProĹĄvaistÄâ (ENG: âThe Lightâ) for various leftist organizations. He simultaneously worked odd jobs to add to his livelihood. Upon establishment of the Soviet Lithuanian government in 1940, Montvila, like many leftist Lithuanian citizens, was thrilled and ready for change, having been oppressed in a society previously plagued by issues such as anti-communism, rural serfdom, clerical fascism, anti-Semitism, and capitalist exploitation of all of the working people of Lithuania. Vytautas dedicated specialized time to working with Soviet authorities to publish and translate revolutionary texts from various authors, as well as delivering his own revolutionary pro-Soviet speeches. He continued this into 1941, the final year of his life. Upon the Nazi invasion of Lithuania in mid-1941, he was captured by local collaborators and Gestapo. According to documents, he did not run or resist, rather instead defiantly, in true revolutionary martyr manner, insulted his captors. He was taken prisoner to the 9th Fort in Kaunas, where he was executed, being shot to death on July 19th, 1941, killed alongside many other Jewish and leftist victims of Nazi and collaborator fascist terror. To leftists who are aware of his heroism and revolutionary martyrdom, he is often compared to fellow revolutionary and Spanish poet F. Garcia Lorca, a leftist whom was executed by the Francoists. Vytautas, Lorca, and all revolutionaries shall be remembered forever. May we remember Vytautas Montvila, a hero to all Lithuanians, but especially to Lithuanians in the diaspora! Remember Vytautas Montvila, both uniquely a hero to Lithuanian-Americans, and the people of Lithuania! |
2024.05.18 21:03 Visible-Employment43 I can't Install speech tò text localy because isn't Easy for me. I tryed standalone version and .exe crash, i tryed whisper and It use only CPU, i tryed subtitle edit with ctranslate2 and whisper buy It wasn't "streaming" task Option, help?
model_size = "large-v3"# Run on GPU with FP16
2024.05.18 20:56 Yurii_S_Kh Anatomy of sin: how adultery darkened David's mind
Julius Schnorr von Carolsfeld, âDavid's Repentance.â submitted by Yurii_S_Kh to SophiaWisdomOfGod [link] [comments] Joab's trickery When we read how Joab carried out David's orders, we realize: the commander disobeyed the king: And it came to pass, when Jo´ab observed the city, that he assigned Uri´ah unto a place where he knew that valiant men were. And the men of the city went out, and fought with Jo´ab: and there fell some of the people of the servants of David; and Uri´ah the Hittite died also. (2 Sam. 11:16-17)Joab makes Uriah's death look like an accident rather than the result of betrayal: he simply puts a warrior in the hot seat. Along with Uriah, other warriors died. Why does Joab do things his own way and not directly fulfill David's order? On the one hand, it is obvious: as an experienced military commander, he quickly noticed the king's blunder and corrected it accordingly. On the other hand, when we read about his command to notify David of the event, we realize that Joab is not as simple a man as it may seem at first glance. What did Joab want? Let's look at the text of the commander's command to notify the king of the event: Then Jo´ab sent and told David all the things concerning the war; and charged the messenger, saying, When thou hast made an end of telling the matters of the war unto the king, and if so be that the king's wrath arise, and he say unto thee, Wherefore approached ye so nigh unto the city when ye did fight? knew ye not that they would shoot from the wall? Who smote Abim´elech the son of Jerub´besheth? did not a woman cast a piece of a millstone upon him from the wall, that he died in Thebez? why went ye nigh the wall? then say thou, Thy servant Uri´ah the Hittite is dead also. (2 Sam. 11:18-21)1) It is striking that Joab is clearly not trying to avoid problems. Instead of telling the story of Uriah's death right away, the commander offers to recount the entire battle. 2) Joab thinks through David's future response in great detail. This suggests a commander who is portraying the king, expressively imitating the intonation and manner of speech of royalty in anger. It is beyond the scope of this article to go into the details of why Joab puts the story of Abimelech's death into David's mouth. Here we will only note that the commander anticipates the king's reaction (as we know from the subsequent story, David did not react in the way Joab portrayed). Why did Joab need all of this? Joab versus David It is paramount to note that the relationship between David and Joab was hardly a good one. The warlord had despicably murdered men who were dear to the king: Abenir (2 Samuel 3 ch.) and Absalom (4 Samuel 18 ch.). After the death of Abenir, David, realizing that he was dependent on Joab, nevertheless dared to openly voice his disagreement with the warlord: And the king said unto his servants, Know ye not that there is a prince and a great man fallen this day in Israel? And I am this day weak, though anointed king; and these men the sons of Zeru-i´ah be too hard for me: the Lord shall reward the doer of evil according to his wickedness. (2 Sam. 3:38-39)We can assume that Joab was the most experienced strategist of his day (it was not for nothing that David put him in charge of the whole army). It is noteworthy that among the other commanders of King David were very worthy men: âIsbosef the Ahamanite, the chief of the three; he lifted up his spear against eight hundred men, and smote them onceâ (2 Sam. 23:8). Another, âEleazar the son of Dodo...The Israelites went out against them, and he stood and smote the Philistines until his hand was weary and stuck to his sword. And the Lord granted a great victory that day, and the people followed him only to pick up the slain.â (2 Sam 23:9-10). Joab was a ruler over such worthy men among others. It is quite possible that Joab saw a worthy rival in David. Realizing that he could not become king, the warlord was simply trying to show his superiority over David. Returning to the story of Joab sending a messenger to notify David of Uriah's death, we can assume that he played David's reaction to show his superiority over David: "that my actions could so easily make David mad." We do not know with what intonation, facial expressions, and gestures Joab imitated David's reaction. But it is possible that he portrayed the king's helplessness, perhaps even hysteria. It is also worth noting here that Joab, though not directly, still obeyed the king and, in fact, gave some of the soldiers (including Uriah) to be killed. Why did he do this? It can also be explained by his cold strategic mind as a military commander. He was willing to use such an occasion to demonstrate to David his superior strategic thinking - if he had followed David's plan, the soldiers would have realized that any one of them could be in Uriah's place. In any case, the fact that Joab gives some of the soldiers to the death, fulfilling the king's orders, hardly makes him look good from a Christian moral standpoint. Three versions of Uriah's death When we read how the messenger at Joab's command notified the king, we realize that he is not quite listening to the warlord and lays out his own version: And the messenger said unto David, Surely the men prevailed against us, and came out unto us into the field, and we were upon them even unto the entering of the gate. And the shooters shot from off the wall upon thy servants; and some of the king's servants be dead, and thy servant Uri´ah the Hittite is dead also. (2 Sam. 11:23-24)Thus we have three versions of the account of the battle in which Uriah was killed. The first is that of the author of Scripture himself (2 Kings 11:16-17); the second is that of Joab (2 Kings 11:18-21), and the third is that of his messenger (2 Kings 11:23-24). Comparing them, we find differences that deserve separate attention. In the messenger's account, the arrows killed Uriah as Joab's army (which included Uriah) pursued the enemy to the gates of the besieged city. In the Scripture author's account, the enemy came out of the city, fought Joab's army, and in the course of doing so, Uriah was killed. It can be assumed that the messenger seeks to make Uriah's death as accidental as possible (no one is safe from archers) and at the same time justifiable (the troops had taken the upper hand over the enemy and in their pursuit of victory had come very close to the city). The messenger does his best not to piss David off. He realizes that it is hardly worth it to anger the king (contrary to what Joab said). David's derangement As we read of King David's reaction to the messenger's news, we can hardly remain indifferent: Then David said unto the messenger, Thus shalt thou say unto Jo´ab, Let not this thing displease thee, for the sword devoureth one as well as another: make thy battle more strong against the city, and overthrow it: and encourage thou him. (2 Sam. 11:25)Here we can see the depth of David's confusion. On the one hand, he tries to convey his speech in such a way that the messenger does not understand what is going on between the king and the commander. But the king himself does not understand what is going on: he does not know that the commander has deliberately changed his plan in order to ridicule his reckless strategy. He was waiting for news that Joab had carried out his orders: to kill one Uriah. When he heard that the commander had âfailed miserablyâ (instead of killing one Uriah, he allowed other soldiers to die), the king decided to encourage his commander. It is noteworthy that the author of Scripture does not tell us how the events unfolded: how the messenger reacted to David's words, how he returned to Joab, how they captured the city... But we, the readers, who realize the darkness of the events, understand one thing: David, instead of surrendering to grief and sorrow over the death of his loyal soldiers (as he had done before and would do in the case of Absalom's death), wants to encourage Joab. Instead of surrendering to anger at the commander who âbadlyâ carried out an order, David encourages the one who, in correcting a flaw in the king's order, gives up his soldiers to die. Every sin darkens the mind. That is why we must not think: I will sin and then repent. We don't know what happens after we sin. It is likely that David too was justifying his desire to give himself over to lust. Perhaps he too thought that afterward he would repent and all would be well. He hardly thought about the fact that he would then kill Uriah and have his firstborn son by Bathsheba die. He did everything he could to make his sin known to as few people as possible. And that only led to everyone finding out about his sin. Sin is never worth committing. To paraphrase the apostle Paul, one of the Christian's mottos can be summarized as follows: âI will die, but I will not sin!â (Hebrews 12:4) Let us not forget that today's âpetty idlenessâ can lead to a breeding ground for countless and shameful passions. For example, today's idleness can become shameful slander and gossip. And when we sin, we will immediately confess our sin, being broken and if possible mourning for what we have done. For the sin we have committed darkens our mind and corrupts our soul. Only sincere confession, brokenness, rethinking and change can restore the health of mind and soul after sin. May the Lord help us never to justify consenting to sin, but to really fight against sin, even to the point of shedding blood! (Hebrews 12:4) Source: JesusPortal |
2024.05.18 20:54 Reasonable_Feed7939 How do you write without actually writing?
2024.05.18 20:54 Keith502 Why is the Bill of Rights interpreted to give rights to Americans?
The Conventions of a number of the States, having at the time of their adopting the Constitution, expressed a desire, in order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powers, that further declaratory and restrictive clauses should be added: And as extending the ground of public confidence in the Government, will best ensure the beneficent ends of its institution.I think the three most important phrases in this paragraph are âin order to prevent misconstruction or abuse of its powersâ, âdeclaratory and restrictive clausesâ, and âextending the ground of public confidence in the Governmentâ. These three phrases seem to best sum up what the Bill of Rights was originally meant to accomplish: it is a list of declaratory and restrictive clauses whose purpose is to prevent the misconstruction or abuse of the Constitutionâs powers, and increase public confidence in the federal government. And if one were to look at the Bill of Rights, its text would seem to be in harmony with this statement of purpose. The Bill of Rights consists mostly of negative clauses which put restrictions on the federal government; it states what shall not happen or what shall not be done by Congress, such as prohibiting freedom of religion, abridging freedom of speech, infringing the right to keep and bear arms, violating the right to be secure in property, etc. And the ninth and tenth amendments do not mention any particular rights whatsoever, and clearly just serve the purpose of preventing the Constitution from being misconstrued or abused to diminish the rights of the states and the people, and to prevent granting the federal government more power than the Constitution meant for it to have. The phrase âextending the ground of public confidence in the Governmentâ further indicates that the Bill of Rights was not really meant to add rights not already stipulated in the Constitution, but was only meant to reinforce trust in the federal government at the time of the Founding. The Bill of Rights was not meant to add any substantive articles to the Constitution, but rather it consisted of articles whose purpose was to reinforce the articles that had already been established, and prevent them from being misinterpreted in the future by any unscrupulous members of the federal government. Also notice that there is nothing written here in the preamble about granting rights to the American people, let alone granting specifically individual rights to the American people: you would think if the framers of the Bill of Rights had meant for this to be the documentâs effect, they would have stated so clearly in the preamble.
There have been objections of various kinds made against the Constitution. Some were levelled against its structure because the President was without a council; because the Senate, which is a legislative body, had judicial powers in trials on impeachments; and because the powers of that body were compounded in other respects, in a manner that did not correspond with a particular theory; because it grants more power than is supposed to be necessary for every good purpose, and controls the ordinary powers of the State Governments. I know some respectable characters who opposed this Government on these grounds; but I believe that the great mass of the people who opposed it, disliked it because it did not contain effectual provisions against encroachments on particular rights, and those safeguards which they have been long accustomed to have interposed between them and the magistrate who exercises the sovereign power*; nor ought we to consider them safe, while a great number of our fellow-citizens think these securities necessary.*The part I've put in italics indicates that the major purpose of the amendments to the Constitution was to reassure citizens that effective protections were put in place to prevent the âmagistrate who exercises the sovereign powerâ from encroaching upon their rights. Notice there is nothing written here about granting rights to the people, only protecting the people's pre-existing rights from the federal government.
Fourthly. That in article 1st, section 9, between clauses 3 and 4, be inserted these clauses, to wit: The civil rights of none shall be abridged on account of religious belief or worship, nor shall any national religion be established, nor shall the full and equal rights of conscience be in any manner, or on any pretext, infringed.It is notable to consider that Madison initially proposed the Bill of Rights to be integrated into the Constitution itself, rather than to be a separate document. But what is even more notable is the specific location it was proposed to be inserted in. Article 1, section 9 is specifically the location of the Constitution dedicated to enumerating the prohibitions upon the power of Congress. What this means is that the original plan for the amendments currently appearing in the Bill of Rights was for them to merely be a list of stipulations regarding what Congress was not allowed to do. Thus, it would make no sense for those same clauses today to be construed as being themselves grants of rights to individual American citizens, anymore than Congress being prohibited from abolishing the slave trade before 1808, or laying taxes on state exports could themselves be considered individual rights of American citizens.
The people shall not be deprived or abridged of their right to speak, to write, or to publish their sentiments; and the freedom of the press, as one of the great bulwarks of liberty, shall be inviolable.
The people shall not be restrained from peaceably assembling and consulting for their common good; nor from applying to the Legislature by petitions, or remonstrances, for redress of their grievances.
The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed; a well armed and well regulated militia being the best security of a free country: but no person religiously scrupulous of bearing arms shall be compelled to render military service in person.
No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner; nor at any time, but in a manner warranted by law.
No person shall be subject, except in cases of impeachment, to more than one punishment or one trial for the same offence; nor shall be compelled to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor be obliged to relinquish his property, where it may be necessary for public use, without a just compensation.
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
The rights of the people to be secured in their persons; their houses, their papers, and their other property, from all unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated by warrants issued without probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, or not particularly describing the places to be searched, or the persons or things to be seized.
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the cause and nature of the accusation, to be confronted with his accusers, and the witnesses against him; to have a compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.
The exceptions here or elsewhere in the Constitution, made in favor of particular rights, shall not be so construed as to diminish the just importance of other rights retained by the people, or as to enlarge the powers delegated by the Constitution; but either as actual limitations of such powers, or as inserted merely for greater caution.
Had the framers of these amendments intended them to be limitations on the powers of the State governments, they would have imitated the framers of the original Constitution, and have expressed that intention. Had Congress engaged in the extraordinary occupation of improving the Constitutions of the several States by affording the people additional protection from the exercise of power by their own governments in matters which concerned themselves alone, they would have declared this purpose in plain and intelligible language.And then the aforementioned case was subsequently referenced by the 1875 Supreme Court case US v Cruikshank, which further reinforced the same conclusion while addressing the first and second amendments of the Bill of Rights:
But it is universally understood, it is a part of the history of the day, that the great revolution which established the Constitution of the United States was not effected without immense opposition. Serious fears were extensively entertained that those powers which the patriot statesmen who then watched over the interests of our country deemed essential to union, and to the attainment of those invaluable objects for which union was sought, might be exercised in a manner dangerous to liberty. In almost every convention by which the Constitution was adopted, amendments to guard against the abuse of power were recommended. These amendments demanded security against the apprehended encroachments of the General Government -- not against those of the local governments. In compliance with a sentiment thus generally expressed, to quiet fears thus extensively entertained, amendments were proposed by the required majority in Congress and adopted by the States. These amendments contain no expression indicating an intention to apply them to the State governments. This court cannot so apply them.
The first amendment to the Constitution prohibits Congress from abridging "the right of the people to assemble and to petition the government for a redress of grievances." This, like the other amendments proposed and adopted at the same time, was not intended to limit the powers of the State governments in respect to their own citizens, but to operate upon the National Government alone. [. . .] It is now too late to question the correctness of this construction. As was said by the late Chief Justice, in Twitchell v. The Commonwealth, 7 Wall. 325, "the scope and application of these amendments are no longer subjects of discussion here." They left the authority of the States just where they found it, and added nothing to the already existing powers of the United States.So as you can see, it was well-established from the time of the countryâs founding that the Bill of Rights was never meant to itself be a grant or guarantee of rights to the American people. The official function of the Bill of Rights was always prohibitive rather than affirmative: the purpose was to restrain the federal government, rather than to endow something to American citizens. So what I donât understand is: how has the Bill of Rights become so misunderstood and misapplied? Why is it that, from the layman even to the level of the modern-day Supreme Court, it is believed that the Bill of Rights is meant to grant or guarantee rights to individual American citizens, when this conclusion is unequivocally unsupported by the historical record? And not only is this conclusion not supported by the historical evidence, but I would argue that it contradicts the very purpose of the Bill of Rights; the whole point of the document was to limit the power of Congress, but interpreting the document to be a federal guarantee of rights to the people is, in effect, a transference of power to the federal government never stipulated in the Constitution, and is in violation of the tenth amendment.
The particular amendment now under consideration assumes the existence of the right of the people to assemble for lawful purposes, and protects it against encroachment by Congress. The right was not created by the amendment; neither was its continuance guaranteed, except as against congressional interference. For their protection in its enjoyment, therefore, the people must look to the States. The power for that purpose was originally placed there, and it has never been surrendered to the United States.
The second and tenth counts are equally defective. The right there specified is that of "bearing arms for a lawful purpose." This is not a right granted by the Constitution. Neither is it in any manner dependent upon that instrument for its existence. The second amendment declares that it shall not be infringed, but this, as has been seen, means no more than that it shall not be infringed by Congress. This is one of the amendments that has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the national government, leaving the people to look for their protection against any violation by their fellow citizens of the rights it recognizes, to what is called, in The City of New York v. Miln, 11 Pet. 139, the "powers which relate to merely municipal legislation, or what was, perhaps, more properly called internal police," "not surrendered or restrained" by the Constitution of the United States.
2024.05.18 20:32 hkallay Letterly: An app that turns your speech into well-written text.
submitted by hkallay to AIToolsInsider [link] [comments] |
2024.05.18 20:19 Whirling_Sufi I found something very interesting: Protestant Christianity and Wahhabism are very much alike
At first glance, Protestant Christianity and Wahhabism might seem like movements from entirely different worlds. One emerged from the heart of Europe in the 16th century, the other arose in the deserts of Arabia (Najd?) in the 18th. Yet, I was reading this book that is amongst the best works about enlightenment is the west. There was a part that was talking about Protestants and the Christian Reform movements, I was absolutely shocked to know how similar it was to the Wahhabi branch of Sunni Islam. If you study for yourself a closer look reveals some fascinating parallels both in their origin story and their approaches to life on the all three levels (Individual - Social - Political). Both movements were fueled by a deep yearning for religious renewal out mixture of a feeling defeated and the feeling of blaming religious misguidance in order to rationalize that sense of defeat. The two movements wanted a return to what they believed were the core principles of their respective faiths. This shared goal manifested in several key similarities: submitted by Whirling_Sufi to shia [link] [comments]
ŘłŮŘŻ ۹۰۸ ďşďşŻ ۹ۚۡ P.S: One crazy point is that I hear from many people, and I also can see it in the videos online that Sunni debate Shia in the UK in ways that they are not passionate even about the most anti-religion atheists. I think this is a unique thing in UK, in America things seem to be better for the Shia, but for some reason, the UK muslims are more under this influence. I think it would be beneficial for every party involved in here to create more awareness about these things, we do not have to go through the cycle of violence anymore, and even in speech, we can be towards each other the way the Safavid king was to Ottoman caliph (had respect for each other when there was no war). P.S 2: Another fun fact here but unrelated: Did you know that in times of war between Safavids and Ottomans, both armies used Shahnameh as their source of Rajaz poetry? In fact the Ottoman Turkish had so much Persian + Arabic in it, that the Turks today cannot access their heritage. Both the writing system and the language itself today is not recognizable by today's people in Turkey. |
2024.05.18 19:55 isthereareasontho Voice feature available or not?
Hey guys, was wondering if the new voice feature rolled out for gpt + users? Gpt 4o says it did, but I wanted to ask before upgrading. Thanks submitted by isthereareasontho to ChatGPT [link] [comments] |
2024.05.18 19:42 Baasbaar Uverturo â MIYAMOTO Masao (precipe por mezniveluloj)
2024.05.18 19:10 liadrin3 A dumb rant about twitch dono incentives ruining the viewing experience
2024.05.18 18:27 textspeakpro Check us out!
2024.05.18 18:16 LowKeyEmilia Is there a way to voice clone in SillyTavern using Android?
2024.05.18 18:05 sipjca Benchmarking GPU's/Systems
2024.05.18 17:46 Silver-Tough2275 All in one AI tool
Hi everyone, just wanted to share my experience with dakaei ai chat. it's an awesome platform that features the latest ai chat models like claude 3, gemini 1.5 pro, and even gpt-4.o, with no messages limit, allowing for deeper and more engaging conversations. what's really cool is that dakaei also offers image generation ( like dall-e and stable diffusion also), voice over generation, and more. personally, i've found it incredibly useful and have been using it regularly to improve my blog seo & in copywriting. submitted by Silver-Tough2275 to AItoolsCatalog [link] [comments] https://preview.redd.it/qiv5qmffg71d1.png?width=1894&format=png&auto=webp&s=69de7f388957a54ea22862e2d18e7eaee3ebd944 |
2024.05.18 17:44 MamiLikesCake What's going on with lore fmand AO3?
2024.05.18 16:22 ncasas Browser extension and tools for Chinese language learners
Hi everyone. submitted by ncasas to ChineseLanguage [link] [comments] I am a software developer and I study Chinese. I created a Chrome extension called Langtern. It opens a side panel with:
I hope you find it useful! A couple of screenshots here: https://preview.redd.it/gjpwx180371d1.jpg?width=2198&format=pjpg&auto=webp&s=1b4015914988140bb0097ac4be8a1828b6e3f741 https://preview.redd.it/2rtxk79t271d1.jpg?width=2208&format=pjpg&auto=webp&s=d3663cd52bfc733395f68667b7fd8a3ea4c8fe47 |
2024.05.18 16:22 jonaskoelker Rewatcher's diary: Season 2, episodes 15 to 18
2024.05.18 16:06 adulting4kids Obscure Literary Devices Writing Class Assignments
- Task students with creating a thematic poetry slam where each participant focuses on a different literary device. - Host a class poetry slam event where students perform their pieces and discuss their choices.
- Curate online quizzes or interactive activities that allow students to self-assess their understanding of literary devices. - Provide instant feedback to reinforce learning.
- Implement peer review sessions where students exchange their creative writing assignments and provide constructive feedback on the integration of literary devices. - Encourage discussions on the effectiveness of different approaches.
- Assign students a literary device to track in their personal reading over a set period. - Have them maintain a journal documenting instances of the device, their interpretations, and reflections on its impact.
- Create bingo cards with different literary devices - As students encounter instances of these devices in class readings or discussions, they mark off the corresponding squares on their bingo cards.
- Challenge students to find examples of literary devices in advertisements, speeches, or news articles. - Present their findings, discussing how the devices are employed for persuasive or artistic purposes in the real world.
2024.05.18 15:48 UltraChilly Is there a way to make speech bubbles?
2024.05.18 15:45 Eeveetron7 is this the right way to make my own subs?