I don’t like my hair that much so I need some suggestions. I really only comb it back and that’s about all I do with it. I never put any product or gel in it and it gets pretty curly when I grow it out. What hairstyles would fit me/my face shape?

ponytails and puffs are some of my favorite everyday styles. Whether I’m trying to rectify a failed hairstyle or I’m putting off detangling for another day, a puff is guaranteed to be cute, quick, and easy. There’s nothing better than a fluffy, voluminous, curly, or 4c hair ponytail. And because it’s an “everyday” style, it’s easy to fall into the habit of consistently styling it the same way. One of the advantages of a ponytail is that while it is simple and easy to wear, it is simultaneously a versatile and flexible style. It can be as wild or tame as you want it. A little creativity goes a long way, and the possibilities are endless!
https://preview.redd.it/lgz7e0duf60d1.jpg?width=563&format=pjpg&auto=webp&s=f634c2f29b434241b87eb26b8ae974459ae327ff
Ponytail with Middle Twist
The ponytail or puff with the middle twist is a simple and cute hairstyle that has been trending lately. It’s easy, but different enough to be a noticeable switch from the usual ponytail. Twists can also be interchanged with braids, I often do twists because it’s easier to do on my hair when it hasn’t been fully detangled.

I AM SURE i saw some people discussing her hairstyle couple of days ago, saying, that they hope she won't get a fringe and won't do a short bob haircut, because this length and style now are so good and fit her being mum perfectly.

I need tips on how to look more my age/older. I’m a young adult but I wanna look more mature. My face shape doesn’t help. The short curly hair also doesn’t help either, I think it perhaps makes my face look wider. What hairstyle or hair length would suit my face better? Or makeup style that would suit my face. All recommendations are appreciated :)

Blind former Senator and presidential nominee Thomas D. Schall, Chairman of the Committee for the Preservation of the Republic.
COMMITTEE FOR PRESERVATION OF THE REPUBLIC DEMANDS IMPEACHMENT OVER ARRESTS, Howard K. Smith, The New Orleans Times-Picayune, November 17th, 1950
PHILADELPHIA–Former Senator Thomas D. Schall and U.S. Representative Henry S. Breckinridge, Chairmen of the Committee for the Preservation of the Republic, an organization striving to unite opposition to the administration for the 1952 election, issued a formal statement yesterday afternoon endorsing the proposed impeachment of President La Follette on the grounds of the “violation of citizens constitutional rights,” echoing Ben Gitlow’s prior accusation that the President has sought to build “a dictatorship of executive orders.” Centering their call on the arrests of prominent leaders of the opposition, the Committee cited:

• The April, 1949 arrest by federal agents of Congress of Industrial Organizations President John L. Lewis, who challenged the President in a narrow 1948 primary contest, and the subsequent arrest of Tony Boyle, Lewis’s erstwhile successor and formerly Fulgencio Batista’s nominee for the vice presidency of the nation. Apprehended on related charges of racketeering, both have been sentenced to 20 years in prison. Mr. Walter Reuther, having succeeded Lewis in leadership of the CIO, has sought to fundraise $500,000 to cover the organization’s legal fees.
• The arrest of Benjamin Gitlow, late Progressive nominee for the presidency, in September of that year prior to a speaking tour intended to vituperate President La Follette. Sentenced on charges of forgery for his time under an assumed name while presumed dead after the New American Revolution, Gitlow has a remaining eight years in prison with the possibility of parole.
• The arrests of Cuba Governor Fulgencio Batista, who found himself a distant second to La Follette in the presidential election, Santo Domingo Governor Rafael Trujillo, and his brother Hector on charges of racketeering and bribery. All have been sentenced to over 20 years in prison, with the arrest of Trujillo in particular notable for having sparked the alienation of William R. Hearst from the President.
• The arrest of Virginia Senator Harry F. Byrd, brother of presidential candidate Admiral Richard E. Byrd, in 1950 on charges of bribery and racketeering. Byrd has been sentenced to 20 years in prison.
• The federal investigation into New York Governor Robert Moses over the appointment of Tom Shanahan, convicted of bribery, to the New York Board of Planning, fueling the resignation of Governor Moses despite no evidence of wrongdoing on his part.
• The arrest, on charges of embezzlement, of Senator William Lemke after his promise to campaign for the presidency against La Follette and his subsequent death, after thirty-three years in the United States Senate, on the floor of a jail cell.

FRENCH AMBASSADOR ADMITS ORDER TO ASSASSINATE BUTLER FROM LINDBERGH, Walter Winchell, The New York Daily Mirror, July 16th, 1951
WASHINGTON, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA–Gaston Henry-Haye, French Ambassador to the United States from 1935, testified yesterday to the United States Select Committee to Investigate International Crime chaired by Senator Estes Kefauver (FL-TN) after several prior refusals to appear. The Ambassador testified under oath that he was instructed in 1937 to organize the killing of General Smedley Butler by Secretary of the Treasury Hugh S. Johnson as a means of preventing General Butler from mounting a primary challenge to President Lindbergh in 1940. The Ambassador stated that he is unaware of whether President Lindbergh himself had sanctioned the assassination, but to the sensation of the impeachers, further testified that it was President La Follette who had urged him, and others from within the Administration, to defy the subpoena.
The Ambassador’s testimony has buttressed that of Envoy Porfirio Rubirosa, his primary contact in the United States government, detailing an elaborate plot organized through General Raoul Salan involving the blackmail of Butler associate Yvonne Sadoul, whose husband Jacques, imprisoned for communist associations since the beginning of the Petain Regime, was threatened with execution unless Mrs. Sadoul would provide French agents with travel details of General Butler’s tour of Madrid. The Ambassador recounted a phone call from General Salan explaining how Jean Filiol, a member of the Petainist secret police working undercover as an agent of L’Oreal cosmetics, utilized his disguise to lure Butler in for assassination on the pretext of improved makeup for his television appearances.
President La Follette has responded by the investigation as a “witch hunt,” denouncing “McCarthyism” and citing the attacks upon economic advisor Leon Keyserling as evidence of the untrustworthiness of Speaker McCarthy. Addressing the possibility of impeachment, President La Follette stated at a press conference last Thursday that “when they go low, we will continue to aim high” as he affirmed his decision to appoint former President Lindbergh to lead the newly founded National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA).
Senator Estes Kefauver interrogates Gaston Henry-Haye on the assassination of Smedley Butler.
United States House of Representatives Chamber, July 22nd, 1951
“Stand up, impeachers!”
The testimony of Ambassador Henry-Haye had left President La Follette in the crosshairs of Speaker McCarthy and, smelling blood in the water, McCarthy immediately struck for the kill. In typical fashion, the vitriolic Speaker would pillory moderates in a public statement claiming that "you cannot offer friendship to tyrants and murderers without advancing the cause of tyranny and murder” and label Father Charles Coughlin a “subversive” for a radio broadcast on the priest’s weekly program opposed to impeachment. Fearing the possibility of a parry from the executive branch, McCarthy would task Richard Nixon with leading the drafting of articles of impeachment immediately over the last weekend of June.
A conciliatory populist on his party’s left ever uncomfortable with Joseph McCarthy’s persona, Eduardo Chibas would ally with the Committee for the Preservation of the Republic to gather support for the impeachment, viewing La Follette as a tyrant. Speaking to the House in a broadcast covered live in Spanish in his native Caribbean, as Nixon and counsel Roy Cohn poured over treatises on constitutional law, Chibas would cite the arrest of Gitlow to declare that “the American people have been disgraced because power has won out over shame.” Three articles would be drafted within days for presentation to the House of Representatives, millions of Americans listening over the radio as the “voice of impeachment,” the voice of Nixon, presented them to Congress and the nation.
Article I: Using the powers of the office of President of the United States, Philip F. La Follette, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in disregard of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has repeatedly engaged in conduct violating the constitutional rights of citizens, impairing the due and proper administration of justice and the conduct of lawful inquiries, or contravening the laws governing agencies of the executive branch and the purposes of these agencies.
Article II: Without lawful cause or excuse, President La Follette directed Executive Branch agencies, offices, and officials not to comply with those subpoenas. President La Follette thus interposed the powers of the Presidency against the lawful subpoenas of the House of Representatives, and assumed to himself functions and judgments necessary to the exercise of the “sole Power of Impeachment” vested by the Constitution in the House of Representatives.
Article III: That said President La Follette, unmindful of the high duties of his office, and of his oath of office, in the year of our Lord, 1951, at Washington in the District of Columbia, unlawfully conspired with Charles A. Lindbergh, Secretary of the Air Force, to obstruct a lawful investigation by the United States Select Committee to Investigate International Crime.
Finally, echoing from the radios of the presidentially loyal Blackshirts mulling around the capitol building to millions of kitchen tables, Nixon’s voice thundered with the impeachment’s most famous line:
“Stand up, impeachers!”
A few enthusiastic young representatives like Mississippi’s Rubel Phillips, New Jersey’s Millicent Fenwick, and Massachusetts’s Henry Cabot Lodge would be the first to their feet, jumping to attention within seconds as their hands clutched railings or rose in salutes to the American flag. Within seconds, dozens more would begin to stand, socialist Norman Thomas alongside libertarian Suzanne La Follette as disabled Nebraskan Bob Dole used his good arm to carry paraplegic Michigander Harry Kelly and heed Nixon’s call. Surveying the chamber, one thing was clear: impeachment had a majority. The impeachers standing in victory, the tension of the vote would dissipate for the moment against the certainty of the result, with the most popular of the articles, the first, peaking at 291 votes for and a mere 178 against.
In an attempt to conciliate the disparate factions of the opposition, the tapestry of impeachment managers would run the gamut. Leading them, naturally, would be the “voice of impeachment,” Richard Nixon, with Progressive-Federalists also contributing aging former Judge John J. Parker of North Carolina, fiery Mississipian Rubel Phillips, irascible former prosecutor Harold Stassen of Minnesota, and Linwood Holton of Virginia, while veteran old lawyers Henry S. Breckinridge and Jouette Shouse would comprise the Liberty League contingent and McCarthyite conservative Thomas H. Werdel of California and socialist New Yorker Jacob Panken would represent the divisions within the Farmer-Labor opposition itself.
For the first time in American history, the President had been impeached.
In an advertisement purchased by the Committee for the Preservation of the Republic, Richard Nixon argues the case for impeachment in the court of public opinion.
MCCARTHY RESIGNS AS SPEAKER AFTER NEW WAVE OF OPPOSITION ARRESTS, Joseph Alsop, The Saturday Evening Post, August 14th, 1951
GRAND CHUTE, WISCONSIN–Speaker of the House Joseph McCarthy has formally resigned his office after being apprehended by state police this week at his Wisconsin home, where the nation’s most impressive demagogue was charged with sodomy in connection to his frequent attendance at the White Horse Inn, a known place of rendezvous for Milwaukee homosexuals. While initially vowing to hold onto his office and resist what he has dubbed “libel,” the loss of support from California’s young Richard Nixon signaled failure in an upcoming motion to vacate and is credited with triggering his resignation. McCarthy has accused the police investigation of having been under the influence of the La Follette family, all powerful in Wisconsin, while others cite as precedent the harassment of David I. Walsh for his homosexuality by President Luce that famously destroyed the Massachusetts’ Senator’s political career. However, like Walsh, many speculate that McCarthy may seek the presidency following his expected six month prison sentence.
In addition to McCarthy, the past two weeks has seen the arrest of several other notables who favored the President’s impeachment including, on charges of accepting kickbacks, J. Parnell Thomas (F-NJ), the irascible Chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities who famously called for an end to theater funding on the grounds that such constituted presidential propaganda; on charges of payroll fraud, Ernest K. Bramblett (P-CA); and Walter E. Brehm (P-OH) on charges of fraud. The arrests, however, seem to have galvanized the opposition, and this columnist’s opinion is that an outcome of removal is nearly certain.
Turncoat counsel Roy Cohn.
The Trial of the Century?
With Joseph McCarthy behind bars, President La Follette’s allies would fundraise for their leader’s defense, shocking the public by recruiting for the defense team the former counsel to the impeachers themselves: Roy Cohn. Brought in with a paycheck rumored to be over a million dollars, Cohn’s vicious persistence would be tampered by his insistence that La Follette supporters not engage in threats, arguing that doing so would alienate moderates. Cohn would be joined by another young lawyer, the son of a major Liberty League donor who had recently turned for La Follette and a friend of Vice President Musmanno’s: Robert F. Kennedy. In another attempt to appeal across the aisle, elite lawyer Clark Clifford would lead the defense, utilizing decades worth of Washington connections. Meanwhile, the President would use intermediaries such as General Trades Union President George Meany to appeal to liberal Senators such as Hubert Humphrey, arguing that, regarding the first article, the executive orders represented the nation’s best path to universal healthcare.
As Nixon and his cadre perorated eloquently on the values of democracy, Cohn, Clifford, and Kennedy would attempt to constrain the case to the bare intricacies of legal detail, avoiding grand speeches and matters of philosophy to argue narrowly for a decision to acquit. They would find sympathy in Chief Justice Hugo Black, as the former Commandant of the Blackshirts presided over the trial with a consistent willingness to defer to the requests of the defense on matters such as the rules of evidence. Their narrow arguments would target those fundamentally uncomfortable with the nation of a presidential removal as they sought to boil the decision to one of legal nuances rather than the nature of the republic.
With the President attempting to behave above the fray and portray himself as the statesman of the national revival to win the peace, his brother Bob Jr. would reluctantly join Clarence Dill in taking the lead in attempting to secure his acquittal. As journalist Herb Klein would report, the siblings’ relationship had been plagued by a growing chasm between the siblings, with Bob feeling his brother had gone too far. Yet, Bob, through private conversations as he insisted that the listener forget he was Majority Leader of the United States Senate, that a return to normalcy would be impossible if the drastic step of presidential removal was taken. Bob would seek to obtain promises from his brother that the presidency would step back if acquitted, removing Lindbergh from power and pausing the implementation of executive orders.
Central to the Wisconsin Senator’s mission of convincing would be Vice President Michael A. Musmanno. Slated for the presidency if La Follette were to be removed, Musmanno would portray himself as twice as radical. Speaking to a crowd of supporters in New York City, the Vice President would argue that Phil had “awoken in America a renaissance, a spirit to dare and accomplish that it has not known in decades,” Musmanno would claim that he heard the voice of god while praying at Mount St. Peter Church in his native Pennsylvania, instructing him to lead “the heroic work of the Blackshirts in their purification of American soil.” Musmanno would argue that “patriotic young men” required no warrants to raid the disloyal opposition, leading Bob Jr. to privately declare the Vice President “a dangerous man” who must not be let into the presidency, even momentarily, by a verdict of removal.
As Richard Nixon’s closing arguments to implored the men of the body once labeled “the most exclusive club in the world” to “follow the bloody tracks of treason,” Bob Jr. and Dill would arrange for printed copies of Musmanno’s remarks to be spread, continuing to build the argument that a continuing La Follette presidency was the safer option for democracy even as Jacob Panken dismissively reminded the legislators-turned-jurors that the Senate could remove a vice president as well. The President would appeal to Alabama’s Jim Folsom, reminding him of the federal government’s long disassociation with Alabama affairs and promising the reconciliation of Folsom on patronage affairs.
Meanwhile, letters from Progressive National Committee Chairman Osro Cobb would promise Henry Bone and Sid McMath bipartisan support in a re-election bid to counter the opposition of the President. Thus, as the day of the decision approached, the final decision would come down to wily Massachusetts’ independent J. Michael Curley, New Mexico Liberty Leaguer Henry F. Ashurst, Alabama reformer Jim Folsom, Georgia liberal Ellis Arnall, Arkansas’s Sid McMath, Nevada Landonite Walter Baring, and the Midwestern progressive Farmer-Laborite of Hubert Humphrey. Former Postmaster General Thomas Duncan would appeal on behalf of La Follette, reminding men such as Curley and Folsom of the looming ability of the administration to pursue the ever present corruption allegations surrounding both.
The radical antics of Vice President Michael A. Musmanno would turn several Senators against impeachment.
With 66 votes, the unthinkable would be put to action, and the President of the United States removed. 29 votes had been promised against removal, 63 for, as the nation’s eyes turned to the 7 in waiting. As each awaited the call of the Senate clerk to announce their votes, their thoughts on deciding the future undoubtedly raced to the past.
29 votes for acquittal. 63 votes for removal.
Walter Baring had been implored time and time again by Alf Landon to vote for impeachment, arguing that La Follette had the destruction of the Farmer-Labor right in mind. Baring had seen his ally Lister Hill driven from power as Speaker of the House for crossing the President, and he saw his chance to strike vengeance.
29 votes for acquittal. 63 votes for removal.
Henry F. Ashurst had been a friend of the La Follettes since the 1890s. He had visited Fighting Bob and spoken on his behalf as a Liberal when Aaron Burr Houston sought to destroy his support. He had watched Phil grow up, held the toddler in his arms that now sat in the White House. Michael Musmanno, to Senator Ashurst, was an ever unknown quantity. Bob had warned him of the danger of unknown quantities, and Phil, for all that Ashurst abhorred, was known. He would defeat the President at the ballot box, but he would not defy him now.
30 votes for acquittal. 63 votes for removal.
His commanding officer in the Third Pacific War, General David Shoup, visited Sid McMath the night before the vote. Shoup had pointed with abhorrence to the to the two million Japanese civilians left dead after the atomic bombings. Shoup’s words, utterances that had once been orders in their days in the Marines, echoed in McMath’s head; “All I can say is, any man that murders two million Japanese, when it might not even be their war, is not a good man. That is not the American way.”
30 votes for acquittal. 64 votes for removal.
Ellis Arnall had gotten a very different visit, a delegation of prominent state businessmen, the very men that had funded his campaign, promising desertion of not merely himself, but the state of Georgia, with a vote for acquittal. He thought of Vice President Musmanno’s words and reassured himself that democracy could be saved.
31 votes for acquittal. 64 votes for removal.
“His name is Musmanno, but we call him Curly after you.” The family’s words as they held his young namesake stuck with J. Michael Curley. The working Irish and Italians of Boston and Worcester had two heroes: Michael A. Musmanno and him. He had defied the brahmins of Boston and Harvard, worn powdered wigs to their events to mock them gaily as he rose to absolute power in the city on the back of Revolutionary era redbaiting. Curley had been in the circles of power for a half century, but even in the twilight of his life, he hated men like Phil, born with a silver spoon. His place was among the ward bosses and the machines of politics, and he distrusted the tacit offerings of favors from Thomas Duncan, the implication that the prosecutors already hot on his tail for kickbacks, fraud, and graft might reconsider with a vote for acquittal. Already in 1946 when La Follette first was elected had he served his last prison term, a matter of months then, but he knew the road was coming to an end for him. Michael Curley had never denied being corrupt, but he would take the President down with him.
31 votes for acquittal. 65 votes for removal.
Jim Folsom had never lived in a democracy. Born under the reign of Milford W. Howard, he had seen his state grow beyond his wildest dreams, never realizing that he would one day govern it. He had, after all, been rejected by the voters as the reform governor, yet his machine persisted, even as the President sought to crush it. Big Jim had never seen himself in the Governor’s chair until it happened, but Senator Jim looked across the Capitol to that glimmering White House and knew that, within the Farmer-Labor Party, he would never have a way in if he turned against their standard bearer.
32 votes for acquittal. 65 votes for removal.
Hubert Humphrey was a pharmacist, not a lawyer. He had swept into office in 1942 on the back of the Luce Administration’s antagonism towards the very Thomas Schall who now led the Committee for the Preservation of the Republic, fully holding that “the moral test of government is how that government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in shadows of life, the sick, the needy, and the handicapped.” Humphrey had followed John L. Lewis in 1948, he had stood against Phil and nearly lost his career for it in 1950. Yet, the piercing arguments of Kennedy and Cohn remained alongside the nature of the impeachment. The reforms he had spent his life fighting for were finding their baptism in fire through the President’s executive orders. Bob, who had guided him when he entered the Senate and, in that friendly manner that made Bob the consummate politician his brother never was, continually checked in on him, had begged him to vote for stability, had used the forbidden word “civil war,” had pointed to the Blackshirts mulling beyond the armed security, and told him that Musmanno would be the Augustus to his brother’s Caesar.
33 votes for acquittal, 65 votes for removal.
Shouts from the gallery, journalists rushing out to announce the story as telephone and telegraph lines competed to relay the news first.
The presidency of Philip F. La Follette would live to fight another day.
The last photo of Eduardo Chibas.
The Final Radio Broadcast of Eduardo Chibas, October 27, 1951
“My words last Sunday did not have the resonance the very serious situation demanded. America needs to wake up. But my wakeup call perhaps was not strong enough.
America has a great destiny reserved in history. The happy coincidence of natural factors so favorable for a great destiny, together with the high quality of our people, awaits only the honest and capable endeavor of a team of government ready to perform its historical task. Such a team is not the present administration, corrupted to the core and disguised with new ways to cover up its shamelessness. Neither the false opposition of Batista who encourages the return of the militias with the cunning assistance of international communism; nor the scornful group of followers of Admiral Byrd. The only group of government capable of saving America is the Committee for the Preservation of the Republic with their anti-pact platform of political independence that accepts no transactions or settlements.
Come on compañeros! For economic independence, political freedom and social justice! Let's get rid of the thieves in the government!
People of America, stand up and march! People of America, wake up!
This is the final wakeup call!”
Other voices cut into the broadcast as chaos traveled over the airwaves.
"Tiene una pistola!”
“Párenlo! Estas loco?”
Millions of Americans widened their eyes as a crash ensued over the radio.
Eduardo Chibas had breathed his last.
Has American democracy?

Decided to give wigs a try while I have a "no poo" journey to desperately train my horribly oily hair. I can't go a day without washing it and it started affecting my mental health.
These are wigs from the Tiktok shop.
What I did: Cut bangs Made the middle part less straight Pluxked middle part Hot combed the top Added baby powder for less shine
Everything I did I learned from you guys on this subreddit. So thank you!!
How does it look? How clockable is it? What can I do to make them more convincing?
Any tips to make a wig stay in place with a fairly active job?
Curly wig: https://www.tiktok.com/t/ZPRwGfvHB/
Straight bob: https://www.tiktok.com/t/ZPRwGV6Fn/

Hi! My brother is getting married in Iowa in late July, and the dress code is black tie. I've never been to any black tie event before!
I'm a petite, 35 year old woman and my style is classic and feminine (and a bit quirky day to day, but I don't want to be quirky at a black tie wedding). My hair is a curly bob so a fancy hairstyle would end at "pinned up nicely on one side." My shoes are basic closed toed Clark's heels with an ankle strap and are non negotiable due to foot issues.
My options are:

1: One shouldered gown, jewelry TBD (my husband's fave)—just above floor length

2: V neck gown with the red topaz jewelry set pictured (my fave, and that of the ladies at the dress shop)—a bit longer than floor length

Both fit well with my chosen heels. ☺️ Sorry I don't have pics of them on.
Questions: 1. Which dress do you prefer? 2. What jewelry would you wear with the one shouldered gown? I'm thinking just a bracelet and earrings... Specific search terms would be really helpful.
Thank you so much for any help!