Hi all, I’ve decided to ask this subreddit for more insights.
Intro dulu sbg background agar bisa jadi bahan pertimbangan. M 20, 3rd year business marking management bachelor student at salah satu PTS in jateng (yang baru aja buka fak. kedokteran). About to get into an internship program in the next semester. Likes everything related to automotives. As for financial side, diberikan monthly allowance around 1mio. Tinggal di rumah, lalu diberikan juga fasilitas LMPV sbg kendaraan pribadi krn tidak didukung untuk pakai R2 (the car is also my highest expense tho). A last child and the only child that haven’t worked/still in educational program. Parent’s are retired, living off of retirement pension, deposit interest, and savings. Have multiple side skills e.g. fixing electronics, auto-mechanical knowledge, simple programming, and so on. Udah coba daftar ride sharing apps tp so far blm berhasil. Apply jd teknisi elektronik jg blm ada yg mau terima part time.
What i’d like advice on : 1. Adakah side income stream yang cocok buat mahasiswa aktif tapi cukup untuk nambahin uang bensin or even, bantuin bayar uang kuliah? (udah nyoba UHRS tp jobsnya ga reliable/tidak banyak) 2. What skill/experience should i add to make me more enticing to hire according to my educational background? kindly tell how also. 3. Should i continue to S2 or to get some work experience first? considering my age after i finish my S1. 4. Dengan kondisi sekarang sangat susah untuk menabung dan invest oleh karena pengeluaran terbesar di fuel cost. Atau adakah cara menyiasati low income ini?
Really appreciate your time for reading and giving advice to this.

Buat yang ada kemungkinan melakukan pekerjaan freelance di tahun 2024, sangat disarankan untuk daftar NPPN di DJP online. NPPN ini dipake buat ngurangin jumlah pajak dari pekerjaan freelance lo. Penghasilan lo yang dikenakan pajak jadi cuma 50%. Caveatnya lo harus melakukan pemberitahuan NPPN sebelum Maret 2024. Kalo udah lewat nggak akan bisa dilakukan lagi buat tahun pajak 2024.
Konteks: Kalau kita melakukan pekerjaan freelance, penghasilannya pasti terkena PPh juga. Tapi bedanya pekerja freelance dan pekerja tetap adalah: Untuk pekerja frelance, penghasilan yang dikenakan pajak penghasilan neto.
Contoh: Misal, lo freelancer IT dibayar Rp 100.000.000. Rp 100.000.000 itu namanya penghasilan bruto. Terus penghasilan neto itu apa?
Penghasilan Neto = Penghasilan Bruto - Pengeluaran
Nah tapi kan sebagai freelancer IT lo gak ada pengeluaran apa-apa? Regardless ada pengeluaran apa enggak, dari negara lo diperbolehkan untuk menghitung pengeluaran dengan menggunakan Norma Perhitungan Penghasilan Neto (NPPN). Persentase NPPN ini beda-beda buat tiap pekerjaan. Tapi umumnya konsultan (IT, desain, bisnis, dll) itu 50%
Jadi dari contoh di atas, penghasilan neto lo jadi Rp 100.000.000 x 50% = Rp 50.000.000. You’ll save lots of money.
Kalopun lo nggak berencana freelance, there’s no harm buat melakukan penberitahuan NPPN ini. Soalnya kesempatan freelance ini kan bisa datang tiba-tiba. Dan inget, batas akhirnya sebelum akhir Maret 2024
Sumber: NPPN Cara melakukan pemberitahuan NPPN

The recent funeral procession of former Papuan Governor Lukas Enembe (who was convicted of embezzlement) transformed into a pro-West Papuan independence rally (see here). In that video, the morning star was changed into the Star of David (probably also to show support of Israel), while people were screaming "merdeka!". There are also other videos where people were singing "Papua bukan merah putih", a pro-independence tune, while waving the Morning Star Flag.
We all know the radical human rights defender Veronica Koman who advocated for an independence referendum as the ultimate solution for the Papuan problem. But assuming that the government decided to pull a Habibie and hold an independence referendum in West Papua, how realistic is that referendum? Is independence really realistic?
I am not going to discuss about the division of ethnicity and language or economic development to assess whether Papuan independence is "realistic" or not. I think what is often missing in the conversation is the current demographic makeup of West Papua and the nature of elections in the Central Mountains of Papua. For an independence referendum and a possible eventual independence to occur, these major issues would need to be resolved. National identity can be constructed despite ethnic or linguistic division and economic development is not a prerequisite for independence (otherwise Indonesia should not have been independent from the Dutch and this is actually a common trope used by European colonialists to maintain their grip in their colonies). But these two issues concern practicalities that have to be addressed for an independence referendum and an eventual independence to succeed. Unfortunately, as far as I am concerned, activists like Veronica Koman seem to have failed to take these into account.
Transmigrants and Orang Asli Papuas
According to the BPS (Indonesia's national statistics board), in 2010, there were 2,693,630 people who belong to "suku asal Papua" (indigenous Papuans) or 1.14% of the national population. In the former provinces of Western Papua and Papua, there were 760,422 and 2,833,381 inhabitants (respectively), so in total the population of Indonesian West Papua was 3,593,803 in 2010. If we assume that all the indigenous Papuans live in the former provinces of Western Papua and Papua, that means 75% of the population were native Papuans. But according to the same census, the percentage is a bit lower: in 2010, there were 387,816 and 2,121,436 indigenous Papuans in both former provinces in 2010, i.e. 2,509,252 Orang Asli Papuas (OAPs). That means officially, 69.8% of the Indonesian West Papuan population were OAPs and 30.2% non-OAPs in the year 2010.
That is a significant number. But OAPs are usually concentrated in the inland areas. So if you focus on the former province of Western Papua only (capital: Sorong), OAPs were a slim majority: 51%, while 49% were non-OAPs.
Here is a user-friendly makeup of ethnicity in Western Papua and Papua in 2010, the non-OAPs are mostly transmigrants sent during the Soeharto era.
If you look at the division at the regency level, it becomes even more interesting (although the data only account for the number of men). In 2010, non-OAPs have become a majority in Kota Sorong (67%), Sorong Regency (62.6%), Kota Jayapura (64.9%), Nabire (52.6%), Mimika (59.8%), Merauke (63.4%) and Keerom (60.57%). OAPs were only an overwhelming majority in inland regencies, especially in the Central Mountains of Papua where the noken system is in place for elections (e.g. in the regency where the OPM is active, Nduga, OAPs constituted an overwhelming majority of 99.1%). In the former province of Western Papua, you can see a similar phenomenon: in Kaimana that is located on the coast, 47.2% were non-OAPs, while in Maybrat that is located inland, only 3.9% were non-OAPs.
In other words, the coastal areas, especially the main cities, are no longer Papuan majority. The majority of the population is non-OAPs. Meanwhile, the OAPs are still an overwhelming majority in the inland areas, especially the Central Mountains of Papua.
These data are from 2010, how about 2020? In 2020, the census result shows that the population of both provinces has grown fast to 1,134,068 and 4,303,707 inhabitants (respectively). I cannot find any data about the ethnic makeup. But since the fertility rate of Papua and Western Papua is significantly higher than the provinces where the transmigrants come from (like the Javanese provinces), it might be that there are more OAPs today in term of percentage than before.
Indonesian “Settler Colonialism” and “Papuan Genocide”?
Pro-West Papuan independence activists and academics try to frame transmigration as a form of settler colonialism that leads to the “minoritisation” of OAPs or even a “genocide”. They often try to raise this issue at the international level, including in the United Nations. For example, this is a prophecy made by an NGO coalition in 2015:

Research that analyzed the demographic trends in Tanah Papua predicted a catastrophe for the Papuan people. In 1971, they made up 96,09% of the population of the region. In 2020, they will make up only 28,99% of the population; a small and rapidly dwindling minority.

This claim seems to be based by a paper made by Jim Elmslie (“Honorary Research Fellow and convener of the West Papua Project, the Department for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Sydney”) in 2010. He also made the following “estimation” for the 2010 data when the BPS had not yet released the ethnic makeup:

Assuming the historical Papuan annual growth rate has been maintained over the course of the last decade the Papuan population in mid 2010 (at the time the census was conducted) would be 1,790,777. This equates to 49.55% of the total 2010 population of West Papua of 3,612,854. Accordingly the non-Papuan population would be 1,822,677, or 50.45%.

As we can see, in comparison with the official BPS data, this is an overestimation, since only 30.2% of the whole West Papuan population is non-OAPs (and 49% for the province of Western Papua).
This is how he tried to rationalise why his estimation was way off in a later publication:

However the total number of Papuans in the 2000 Indonesian census, where there was a breakdown of tribal populations, was 1,505,405 while the number of Papuans in the 2010 Indonesian census (Papua and Papua Barat provinces) was 2,409,670. This seems hard to believe as it implies a Papuan population growth rate of nearly 5%. The historical Papuan growth rate was 1.84% (1971 to 2000). The current estimated growth rate for the whole of Indonesia is 1.40%. The 2013 estimate for the growth rate of PNG is 2.1%. How can a growth rate of 5% for the Papuan population be explained? The answer to this question explains why there is a divergence of my previous predictions and the figures released by BPS.
(...)
Anecdotally there has been an incentive for the local regent (bupati) and other local leaders and politicians to inflate the number of people in villages and tribes to leverage more resources from the provincial government – funds allocated for health and education services for instance. This may or may not have had an effect on census data.
(...)
Together the above points mean that the data provided by BPS must be used with a degree of caution. It is highly possible that Papuans who missed out on earlier censuses due to their isolation were included in subsequent censuses as the strengthening Indonesian state apparatus and modern communications and transportation improved the efficiency of BPS field operatives. It is also quite possible that the numbers of Papuan people living in remote regions have been inflated to secure more government funding (and electoral advantage).

I am not really qualified to evaluate this claim. But irrespective of what to believe, the clear fact is that a significant percentage of the West Papuan population is non-OAPs. The major cities and the coastal areas are most likely non-OAP majority, while the inland area remains overwhelmingly OAP majority.
The Settler Problem
While pro-Papuan independence tried to raise the issue of minoritisation and genocide to arouse sympathy from the international community, what is often missing from the conversation is: if Veronica Koman’s wish were to be fulfilled, what rights would the settlers have? Would they have a say in the hypothetical referendum, especially since many of them are born in Tanah Papua? In case of a West Papuan independence, would they receive West Papuan citizenship?
If the settlers were excluded, that would go against the common practice of independence referendums in the past decades. In 1991, Russian speakers (which include both ethnic Russians and other ethnicities of the former USSR) could participate in independence referendums in Latvia and Estonia. The 2020 and 2021 independence referendums in New Caledonia were not limited to the indigenous Kanaks (who are also Melanesians like West Papuans). The 2014 Scottish independence referendum has no requirement of having Scottish blood since the Union of the Crowns in 1603.
If we assume that the settlers can participate, and we believe in the activists’ claim about “minoritisation”, then the referendum is doomed to fail. It is no secret that the settlers (which the activists try to portray as “Muslim Javanese”, but in reality, also include a lot of people from Manado and Maluku) are loyal to the Republic. If they really constitute 51% of the population, even if we assume that all the OAPs will vote for independence, that means there is no chance for the independence camp to succeed. In this sense, Papuan independence is not realistic.
If we believe in the BPS instead, the situation might get trickier. Let us assume 30% of West Papua is non-OAPs now. It is unrealistic to expect all the OAPs to vote for independence; there is a clear division between the coastal areas that are more welcoming of migrants and the inland area which is the hotbed of separatism. I would expect the result to be much closer than the 1999 East Timorese referendum (where 21.5% voted against independence). There will be a clear division between the inland areas (like Nduga and Lanny Jaya) that will overwhelmingly vote for independence and the coastal areas where they will most likely vote to remain with the Republic.
Unfortunately, people like Veronica Koman are still silent on this matter; we do not know if she is aware that her ultimate remedy of independence referendum may end up failing if the activists’ claim were true, while the referendum has more chance to succeed if the BPS turned out to be right.
Then if independence were to be granted, what would happen to the settlers? Based on similar situations in other parts of the world, there are several possible “models”:
1) The Algerian model: the Pieds-Noirs and the Jews left for France (outright ethnic cleansing)
2) The Latvian model: citizenship only granted to those whose ancestors were born in or before 1963, the rest will either become a permanently-resident non-citizen (nepilsoņi) or is forced to leave the territory (unlike in Latvia, they cannot be forced to “integrate” by learning a “national Papuan language” because there are hundreds of different languages in Papua, unless Papuan Malay were to be the national language)
3) The Malaysian model: settlers granted citizenship but with special privileges for the indigenous people
4) The South African model: the creation of a “rainbow nation” where both OAPs and non-OAPs coexist in harmony and equality, but there is a risk of the non-OAPs becoming a market-dominant minority and thus ended up fuelling social unrest based on economic inequality
Unfortunately none of the activists have ever discussed about what would happen with the non-OAPs after a possible independence. Without solving this issue, independence remains nothing but a slogan, and will be a very messy affair without proper planning.
Voting System to Use
Another issue with a potential independence referendum is the voting system to use. I suppose the referendum will seek to follow the international standard by adopting a universal suffrage for adults with secret ballots. This can be easily done in the coastal areas that have participated in national and regional elections in Indonesia since Reformasi. But how about the Central Mountains of West Papua? This is where the issue gets tricky.
In electing whether Prabowo will be president, whether a certain pastor will become a Senator or whether Lukas Enembe will be governor, the Central Mountains Region of Papua use the noken system. Noken is a traditional Papuan bag that has become a symbol of being Papuan and is also recognised as a UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2012 (note on the word “intangible” instead of tangible, since noken is deemed to have various social and spiritual meanings).
The noken system is practiced in the cultural area of Mee Pago an La Pago. Basically there are different varieties of the system. What is notable is that there is no more universal suffrage with secret ballots. In one variety, the tribe meets together to discuss whom they will vote fohow the votes will be distributed between the candidates of a legislative election, and then they decide by consensus. On election day, the tribes will vote in the open by putting the ballots in noken bags. In this context, the election is symbolic and is seen as a celebration. In another variety, the big man of the tribe simply chooses on behalf of the tribe.
The system is really controversial because it is prone to abuse. You can read more here, but basically it encourages vote buying and the inflation of total number of voters (daftar pemilih tetap/DPT), since the electoral commission simply assumed that in a given tribe there is an X number of people. Here is a good summary from contributors of Wikipedia (you can further trace the source of the statements on the Wiki page):

Pada periode 2009–2014, jumlah daftar pemilih tetap Provinsi Papua meningkat dari sekitar dua juta menjadi 3,2 juta, walaupun pertumbuhan penduduk Papua tidak secepat itu. Peningkatan paling besar terlihat di wilayah Pegunungan Tengah. Pada tahun 2012, KPU Papua menetapkan bahwa seluruh 32 distrik di Kabupaten Nduga akan memiliki daftar pemilih tetap yang sama, yaitu 4.587 orang, untuk "menghindari konflik". Untuk pemilihan Gubernur tahun 2013, KPU Papua menetapkan daftar pemilih tetap untuk Mimika sebesar 223.409 pemilih, meskipun hasil sensus tahun 2010 menunjukkan bahwa jumlah penduduk kabupaten tersebut hanya 182.001 jiwa.

You also have abnormal results like 100% landslide victory for a certain candidate in certain areas with 100% turnout. Prabowo in 2014 complained about this and compared Indonesia to North Korea, perhaps unaware of the noken system in place in Papua.
So the eventual question is: if we have an independence referendum as wished by Veronica Koman, do we use the noken system for the Central Mountains of Papua or not? The issue is further complicated by the disputed “indigenousness” of the noken system. On the one hand, you have Papuan writers like Pieter Ell et al who claimed that the idea for a noken system appeared spontaneously during a bakar batu celebration. The Papuan People Council, which is a special representative body for OAPs in the Province of Papua, said the system has been practiced by Mee Pago and La Pago peoples for ages, and supposedly it was implemented for the first time during the 1971 legislative elections under Soeharto. On the other hand, anthropologist Birgit Bräuchler suspected that the system is a modern invention, which may be used to legitimise the Act of Free Choice in 1969 whereby 1,025 "tribal leaders" were handpicked by the military and they agreed by acclamation to join Indonesia. Some Papuan figures have also casted their doubt, like Titus Pekei (who campaigned for the recognition of noken bags in UNESCO) who said the system is a mistaken interpretation of the actual meaning of noken.
If we were to dismiss the noken system and use the international standard of universal suffrage with secret ballots, there would be the challenge of fixing the list of eligible voters. So the pro-independence people would need to depend on the Indonesian government to conduct a survey/census to Nduga, Lanny Jaya, Jayawijaya etc for that purpose. People like Veronica Koman have not thought this far; as long as this issue remains unsolved, an independence referendum remains unrealistic.
Conclusion
Activists like Veronica Koman tried to argue that independence referendum is the ultimate solution for the Papuan problem. For her, it would restore the dignity of West Papuans in the face of colonialism and racism by the Indonesian colonial regime. I do agree that there is a serious issue of racism and economic inequality in West Papua. OAPs are often stereotyped as being lazy, brutish, smelly and drunkard. When Frans Kaisiepo was introduced into the 10,000 rupiah bill, some people were ridiculing him as a “monkey”. Member of Komnas HAM Natalius Pigai who was critical of Jokowi was compared to a gorilla. But I think her strategy of focusing so much (or rather solely) on independence might be counterproductive; she could have spent her energy more on addressing the issue of racism and inequality.
Moreover, Koman’s dream of independence remains unrealistic as long as the issue of transmigrants and the noken system remains unsolved. Ironically, if her fellow activists who were trying to portray a phenomenon of minoritisation and genocide were correct, it might be that her beloved independence referendum would lead to a resounding rejection of independence, and the issues of racism and economic inequality would remain.

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Sebagai agen togel terlengkap, Olxtoto menawarkan beragam pilihan pasaran togel dari seluruh dunia. Anda bisa memasang taruhan pada pasaran togel terlengkap seperti Pasaran Sydney, Pasaran Singapore, Pasaran Hongkong, dan Pasaran Macau.
Olxtoto juga menyediakan berbagai jenis permainan togel, seperti 4D, 3D, dan 2D. Selain itu, Olxtoto juga menawarkan diskon yang menarik untuk para membernya. Diskon yang ditawarkan pun sangat menguntungkan bagi para pemain.
Bagi yang ingin bergabung dengan Olxtoto, Anda bisa mendaftar di situs togel olxtoto terbaru. Proses pendaftaran pun sangat mudah dan cepat. Setelah mendaftar, Anda bisa langsung melakukan deposit dan memulai taruhan di Olxtoto.
Dengan reputasinya sebagai agen togel terlengkap dan terpercaya, Olxtoto akan selalu memberikan yang terbaik bagi para membernya. Jadi, tunggu apalagi? Ayo segera bergabung dengan Olxtoto dan rasakan sensasi taruhan togel yang seru dan menguntungkan!
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Link : https://167.172.80.103/