2024.05.29 05:47 poor_guy_richard Import MyFitnessPal CSV Data to Apple Health with iPhone Shortcuts
Date, Meal, Calories, Fat (g), Saturated Fat, Polyunsaturated Fat, Monounsaturated Fat, Trans Fat, Cholesterol, Sodium (mg), Potassium, Carbohydrates (g), Fiber, Sugar, Protein (g), Vitamin A, Vitamin C, Calcium, Iron, Note
2024.05.29 05:07 RubyDoesStuff0000 The Lie is a Cake
2024.05.29 04:20 CompetitiveDrop613 What do you think Lionheart and Saladin would make of our current ‘situation’?
2024.05.29 03:11 rohan_spibo Update: Bloons TD 6 v43.0 - Update Notes!
2024.05.29 02:55 Meatrition Evaluation and Discrimination of Lipid Components and Iron and Zinc Levels in Chicken and Quail Eggs Available on the Polish Market - PubMed
Abstract submitted by Meatrition to StopEatingSeedOils [link] [comments] All over the world, birds' eggs are an important and valuable component of the human diet. This study aimed to compare the content of lipid components and their nutritional value as well as iron and zinc levels in chicken and quail eggs commonly available on the market. In egg lipids, unsaturated fatty acids were dominant, especially oleic acid, the content of which was about 40% of the total fatty acids (TFAs). Linoleic acid was the major polyunsaturated fatty acid. Compared to other products of animal origin, eggs were characterized by favorable values of lipid quality indices, especially the index of atherogenicity, thrombogenicity, and the hypocholesterolemic-to-hypercholesterolemic ratio. In the present study, no differences were found in the content of tested nutrients between eggs from different production methods (organic, free-range, barn, cages). Based on linear discriminant analysis, inter-breed differences were noticed. Cluster analysis showed that eggs enriched in n3 PUFAs (according to the producers' declarations) differed from other groups of chicken eggs. However, in eggs from one producer only, the amount of EPA and DHA exceeds 80 mg per 100 g, entitling the use of the nutrition claim on the package. Quail eggs differed from chicken eggs in FA profile and cholesterol and iron levels. Keywords: chicken eggs; cholesterol; fatty acids; iron; quail eggs; zinc. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC11121015/table/foods-13-01571-t002/?report=objectonly https://chatgpt.com/share/b476c8f9-c1b0-45a6-b6db-4fd6cdbeab90 calculated the omega balance. |
2024.05.29 02:22 TaxThrowAway000 Adriatic Queen Sardines in Olive Oil
submitted by TaxThrowAway000 to CannedSardines [link] [comments] |
2024.05.29 00:28 Sosakitten Advice
Am I gonna get anywhere with these results? I’m struggling so bad, thought maybe it was lupus. Was so relieved to see that Ana come back positive just to come on here and find that everyone says doctors won’t take a 1:80 seriously. I’m so scared I’m going to keep feeling this way with no help. Can anyone give me their advice or story? I don’t WANT to have anything wrong with me but I know that something is and I want to be able to manage it! submitted by Sosakitten to Autoimmune [link] [comments] |
2024.05.28 18:23 YouDontKnowMeFromAd 🤦♂️ Fails to Deliver on $SMFL
Looks like they’re really hoping for bankruptcy as it appears the FTD are quite high compared to the float… submitted by YouDontKnowMeFromAd to SMFL_Short [link] [comments] |
2024.05.28 15:39 kksingh11 Role of IMF in Impoverishing Countries
The Communists communist party of great britain (marxist-leninist) Argentina Role of the IMF in impoverishing countries – the case of Argentina How the imperialists use the debt trap to loot the wealth of and enforce their hegemony over oppressed nations. submitted by kksingh11 to SocialisGlobe [link] [comments] Imposed by executives in sharp suits and air conditioned offices, the conditions attached to IMF ‘loans’ (funds that very rarely reach the people of an indebted country) amount to a brutal war on the poor and a demand that all the resources of their country should be funnelled to the corporate bloodsuckers in the imperialist heartlands. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) was founded at the Bretton Woods conference in July 1944. This financial agency presents an image of itself as a democratic organisation that works “to achieve sustainable growth and prosperity for all of its 190 member countries … by supporting economic policies that promote financial stability and monetary cooperation”. Nothing could be further from reality, however. Not only is the IMF not a democratic organisation but, as this article will show, the policies that it promotes favour only a handful of countries. The decisions of the IMF are related to the ownership of SDRs (special drawing rights), known as the ‘quota’, which by reflecting the relative position of a country in the world economy, determines its voting power. Thanks to this self-perpetuating formula, the United States commands 16.5 percent of IMF votes, while the G7 countries combined (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, United Kingdom, United States) command 41.25 percent. In a nutshell, the imperialist countries collectively, and in practice the dominant US imperialists, decide IMF policies, while the 171 non-imperialist countries that together hold less than half of the votes, have to obey them. The cure-all panacea of the IMF for any economy has always been ‘austerity’. In bourgeoise economic lingo, this is euphemistically referred to as ‘fiscal consolidation’ – a process aimed at ‘closing the gap’ between public income and public expenditure. In plain language, this inevitably means slashing pensions, healthcare and education services; cutting the salaries of doctors, teachers and other public servants; selling off publicly owned companies to international investors; cutting taxes to the benefit of corporations and banks; and implementing a raft of macroeconomic policies that will favour international finance capital. To implement these policies, the IMF relies on a so-called ‘surveillance process’, defined as “monitoring the economic and financial policies of member countries and providing them with policy advice … by recommending appropriate policy adjustments”. This in turn must be facilitated by a suitably servile comprador bourgeoise, whose members are willing to assist in this process of looting in return for a few tasty morsels from the imperialist banqueting table, all while the masses are being reduced to destitution. In his powerful The Open Veins of Latin America, Eduardo Galeano pointed out: “With the magical incantation of ‘monetary stabilisation’, the IMF – which not disinterestedly confuses the fever with the disease, inflation with the crisis of existing structures – has imposed on Latin America a policy that accentuates imbalances instead of easing them … liberalises trade by banning direct exchanges … forces the contraction of internal credits … freezes wages, discourages state activity. To this programme it adds sharp monetary devaluations.” (1971, p220) The people of Latin America, Africa and Asia have been suffering from IMF-imposed austerity for decades. For Argentina, the story of deception via its external debt started earlier. In 1824, Buenos Aires negotiated a loan with Britain’s Baring Brothers & Co bank. From the £1m agreed, the country received only £570,000 – not in gold as had been agreed but in paper notes agreeing the sale of British commodities at a price of their choosing! The interest on this extremely one-sided loan soaked up most of the country’s revenues for several decades. After successive rounds of refinancing the, ‘loan’ had been inflated to £4m, and was finally paid off 124 years after it was taken out by the government of Juan Perón in 1947. At the time of writing, yet another debt crisis is creating the conditions for the complete collapse of Argentina’s economy. As has happened at other times of harsh neoliberal austerity regimes (1976-83, 1989-99 and 2015-19), Argentina looks as though it is heading for bankruptcy. The military junta and Argentina’s first neoliberal experiment The military coup of March 1976 provided the opportunity to implement neoliberal policies for the first time in Argentina. During the junta’s rule (1976-83), the country’s industrial base was destroyed, 20,000 manufacturing businesses were closed, and the value added by Argentinean industry, including construction, as a percentage of GDP dropped from 50.89 in 1976 to 41.55 percent in 1983. As a result, the once strong and organised proletariat, which had fought fiercely against dictatorships earlier in the century, disappeared and many workers’ rights were eliminated. As the country moved from production to financial profiteering, the masses were impoverished as the country’s wealth was hoovered up by big corporations and international financial institutions. Before being kidnaped and murdered, Argentine writer Rodolfo Walsh wrote to the military junta: “The economic policies of this junta – which follow the formula of the International Monetary Fund that has been applied indiscriminately to Zaire and Chile, to Uruguay and Indonesia – recognise only the following as beneficiaries: the old ranchers’ oligarchy; the new speculating oligarchy; and a select group of international monopolies headed by ITT, Esso, the automobile industry, US Steel, and Siemens, which Minister Martinez de Hoz and his entire cabinet have personal ties to.” (24 March 1977) During this process, thousands of Argentineans were detained, tortured and killed, and people around the globe learned a new word: “desaparecidos” (the disappeared). Thanks to the good will of the IMF, Argentina’s external debt grew from $7.9bn in 1976 to $46bn in 1983. As one of its last acts in government, the junta nationalised all private debt, making the people of the country responsible for loans taken out by bankers and landowners. Unable to pay this huge debt, Argentina has never been in a ‘normal’ state since; its ‘external debt’ became an ‘eternal debt’, dictating every aspect of economic and social life. Democracy returns but the eternal debt remains In 1983, the first democratically elected government following the junta decided not to reject the external debt inherited dictatorship but to honour it. Thus the government of Raúl Alfonsín, which had incarcerated the junta criminals for their human rights abuses continued the junta’s policy of surrendering control of the economy to the IMF and its monitoring missions. As Fidel Castro correctly pointed out in 1985: “How can a government and a country that has to go every month to discuss with the International Monetary Fund what it is able to do at home be called independent? It is a fiction of independence, and we see this as a national-liberation struggle, which can truly bring together, and for the first time in the history of our hemisphere, all social strata in a struggle to achieve true independence.” Between 1984-88, IMF-imposed policies continued to be enacted, to the benefit of imperialist corporations and financiers. The result was that, despite some success in curbing inflation for a short period in 1985-86, the economy never recovered. In 1989, the Alfonsín government’s last year in office, the IMF withdrew financial support to Argentina in response to missed interest payments, pushing the country into a crisis. Inflation became hyperinflation (reaching a high of more than 3,000 percent annually) and elections were called six months early. In the end, thanks to the recommended policies of the IMF, the debt continued to grow from the $46bn that had been inherited in 1983 to $65bn in 1989. Everything was ready for a second neoliberal experiment. How a popular leader become a neoliberal After the failure of the Alfonsín government, the new president was elected on a platform of social justice, promising to defend jobs, salaries and publicly-owned companies, and to improve the life of millions in the tradition of Peronism. Having been installed in office, however, he changed sides and become the president of the landowners, big corporations and banks. With the support of the IMF, Carlos Menem (1989-99) implemented the recommendations of the ‘Washington consensus’ and applied the mantra of neoliberalism: privatisations, cuts to social expenditure, and further opening of the economy. The first step was to sell off all the publicly-owned companies that had been created through the efforts of several generations of Argentinians. Gas, oil, electricity, telephone, water, airlines and railroads all disappeared as public assets, their wealth being transferred so as to make foreign corporations and corrupt politicians richer at the expense, once again, of the Argentine people. This was followed by a cut in public social expenditure via reductions in spending on education, healthcare and social security, and via the privatisation of state-held pensions assets. Finally, the import duties were slashed, to the benefit of overseas monopoly corporations, allowing foreign goods to flood Argentina’s internal market. The consequent destruction of Argentinean industry, as initiated by the military junta, was now complete. To sustain these policies, the government set a one-to-one exchange rate between the US dollar and the local currency (known as the convertibility law), allowing foreign investors to exchange dollars for pesos, invest the pesos at an interest rate higher than the global IRR (internal rate of return) and then, months later, convert the pesos back to dollars. This operation, known as carry-trade, favoured big investors from around the world to the further detriment of the country’s finances, and was supported by the IMF, which continued lending money to Argentina. In the final years of the Menem government, the country’s economy deteriorated rapidly, poverty and inflation increased, and the country fell into a deep recession in 1998. Corruption was rampant, and anti-government resistance through the first organised cacerolazos (people making noise by banging pots or pans to protest) was on the rise. The IMF had done its job well. During this period, Argentina’s external debt grew to 133 percent of GDP, from $65bn in 1989 to $152bn ten years later. The second neoliberal experiment was reaching its end. Elections and the 2001 collapse The next government arrived promising to resolve the economic crises and fight corruption. Under the direction of the IMF, however, it continued to apply all the same policies that had failed the country before. In August 2001, as foreign deposits were leaving the country, Argentina was unable to pay the interest on its debt and requested an extension of the arrangement. IMF managing director Horst Köhler demanded the substitution of the local currency by the US dollar, and while the government hesitated, the IMF withdrew support. As the economy plummeted, money withdrawals increased, and the government decided to freeze all bank deposits (a measure known as the corralito). Popular protest increased and, incapable of resolving the crisis, the government announced a state of siege. During the ensuing December riots, 36 people were killed by police in the streets. President Fernando de la Rua (1989-2001) resigned on 20 December, and the crisis-hit country had five presidents during the two weeks that followed. Under the slogan “All of them must go!” (Que se vayan todos!), millions of people participated in neighbourhood assemblies, occupying unused land and implementing workers’ self-management in hundreds of factories. In the end, Argentina defaulted on its public debt (at that time $152bn), abandoned the fixed exchange rate by devaluing the peso (40 percent in January to around 300 percent at the end of the first semester of 2002), with the result that production collapsed and high levels of unemployment and poverty become the norm. IMF out of Argentina After the 2001 default, the new government of Nestor Kirchner (2003-07) developed a strategy for undermining the neoliberal agenda that had been responsible for the country’s economic collapse. His government worked to eliminate the permanent interference, recommendations and pressure from the IMF. In 2005, to the dismay of the financial centres, the President Hugo Chávez strengthened Venezuela’s relationship with Argentina. The Bolivarian government bought $2.4bn of Argentina’s debt, providing a welcome boost to the central bank reserves and helping the country to break its dependency on the IMF for debt refinancing. By repaying in full the $9.81bn owed to the IMF, Argentina gained financial independence from the institution’s endless negotiations and recommendations, all of which were unfailingly unfavourable in social and economic terms to Argenina’s people. The repayment followed a similar move by President Lula da Silva of Brazil, whose Workers party government had paid off its IMF debt in full two days earlier. For the first time, Latin America’s two largest economies were in a position to develop social policies that would improve the life of their people. As President Kirchner pointed out: “With this payment, we bury an ignominious past of eternal, infinite indebtedness.” The volume of the inherited external debt didn’t change with the payment to the IMF, but it did allow the government to pursue more independent policies. During the 12-year Kirchner period (Nestor Kirchner’s presidency [2003-07] was followed by two terms of office for his wife Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner [2007-11 and 2011-15]), Argentina implemented economic measures outside the neoliberal toolbox and built a political consensus through a discourse of social justice, economic independence and national autonomy. The economy improved, with GDP up by 62 percent and the value of exports by 81 percent. Unemployment and poverty were significantly reduced, and the government renationalised some of the key sectors that had been privatised during the neoliberal years, the most relevant being Argentina’s national oil company (YPF). The Kirchner government also restructured 93 percent of the country’s foreign debt, on it had defaulted in 2001. A small group of ‘vulture funds’ had acquired credit default swaps (CDS) against Argentinean bonds and $1.3bn of the bonds’ total value for cents, and they pursued the country via various courts in an unceasing quest for full payment. Much to the imperialists’ chagrin, the Kirchner governments never gave in to the vulture funds’ rapacity. Return of the IMF In 2015, the Peronist movement went to the elections divided into different factions, and the election was won by Mauricio Macri (2015-19) supported by a right-wing neoliberal coalition. A third neoliberal experiment was begun in Argentina. During the first 60 days of his government, President Macri paid off the vulture funds, reversed most of the social policies implemented during the Kirchner period, and reintroduced the carry-trade policies that had failed the country in the past – all to the benefit of international finance capital. To fund this massive transfer of wealth, the government increased its external debt once more, from $153bn at the end of 2014 to $280bn in 2019 – an increase of 83 percent in only four years! In June 2018, the Macri government asked the IMF for help, reaching an agreement on a 36-month stand-by arrangement (SBA) amounting to US$50bn (equivalent to about 1,110 percent of Argentina’s quota in the IMF), what has become known as the biggest loan ever in the history of the IMF. IMF managing director Christine Lagarde congratulated the Argentine authorities on reaching this agreement, stating: “The plan owned and designed by the Argentine government is aimed at strengthening the economy for the benefit of all Argentines.” The speed with which the agreement was reached led many to speculate that the intervention of US president Donald Trump in support of the loan was aimed at helping Macri to win the upcoming 2019 elections, giving him some leeway to make investments in social infrastructure. Nothing was further from reality, however: none of the promised schools, hospitals or roads were ever built. The money disappeared in capital flight, in paying dividends to overseas corporations, and in boosting the profit margins of financial institutions. As even the IMF’s own ex-post facto evaluation report admitted: “The programme did not deliver on its objectives … mounting redemptions, along with capital flight by residents, put considerable pressure on the exchange rate.” The result was that “the exchange rate continued to depreciate, increasing inflation and the peso value of public debt, weakening real incomes, especially of the poor”. In 2019, the Peronist ‘Frente de Todos’ (Alberto Fernandez and Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner) coalition won the elections for the period 2019-23, and millions hoped for the reversal of Macri’s policies. Sadly, it was not to be. Failure of the Fernandez government Right at the outset, the new government committed a cardinal sin. Instead of repudiating Macri’s IMF agreement, it accepted this vast inherited debt. The ideological limitations of Peronism were clearly revealed, and became a major obstacle to country’s development and to the welfare of millions of Argentinean people. Accepting the IMF agreement, and without any investigation into how this vast sum had been used, the government accepted IMF monitoring missions and found itself forced to limit its plans to implement progressive macroeconomic policies, conduct an independent foreign policy and invest in social services. Recognition of the IMF debt put the government into a trap, as had happened so many times in the past, and Argentine once again became a slave to impossible repayment commitments. The clock for the next economic crisis was ticking again. According to the government, the main causes of the economic debacle were the three consecutive years of drought that affected agricultural production, the mandatory lockdown and social distancing measures for the Covid pandemic, and to a lesser extent the war in Europe. But government and bourgeois politicians of all stripes failed to acknowledge the core of the problem: the IMF and the external debt that had been taken on by the previous government. Neoliberal policies return to Argentina with a vengeance With the victory of Javier Milei (2023), Argentina is returning once again to the bad old days, beginning its fourth neoliberal experiment. During the first days of the Milei government, the local currency was devaluated by 100 percent, public investment in infrastructure was suspended, barriers to the import of goods and services were removed with no consideration to the impact on jobs, energy prices were raised, subsidies for the poorest were reduced, and thousands of public employees were made redundant. At the same time, a complete alliance was declared with the USA, and now Israel, the country’s planned entry into the Brics group was cancelled, and a vociferous discourse was mounted against every progressive government in the region. The IMF was delighted. As director of communications Julie Kozack stated in December 2023: “IMF staff welcome the measures announced earlier today by Argentina’s new economy minister Luis Caputo. These bold initial actions aim to significantly improve public finances in a manner that protects the most vulnerable in society and strengthens the foreign exchange regime. Their decisive implementation will help stabilise the economy and set the basis for more sustainable and private sector-led growth.” In reality, of course, these measures are resulting in mass impoverishment, as reported by the Social Debt Observatory of the UCA (Catholic University of Argentina), which has declared poverty to be at a 20-year high (57.4 percent). This means that 27 million people are now considered poor in Argentina, while extreme poverty is affecting 15 percent of the population. Through a 664-clause bill, President Milei is pushing for further reforms that will destroy the existing social and economic structure of the country in favour of landowners, international corporations and finance capital. The bill will erase worker’s rights that have taken decades to achieve, while also curtailing the right to protest – with penalties of up to six years in prison for participants and organisers of demonstrations. By declaring a state of emergency, Milei is demanding absolute power to govern without the involvement of Congress, following in the steps of Adolf Hitler, who in 1933 pushed the Nazis’ Enabling Act through the Reichstag, granting himself absolute power to make and enforce laws without further parliamentary involvement. Right-wing backbenchers support the bill, while other sections of Argentina’s bourgeois political parties are testing the waters, sometimes mildly confronting the bill or requesting minor changes. Although the majority of backbenchers for UxP (Union por la Patria) are opposed to the bill, changing sides is not an unknown feature of bourgeois political life. Unable to trust backbenchers, Argentina’s main CGT (General Confederation of Workers) trade union has appealed successfully to the National Labour Court, challenging the constitutionality of the labour legislation contained in the proposed law. Since President Milei is refusing to accept any change to the proposed bill, even his supporters are rethinking their position in each of the bill’s clauses. In the latest developments, after some defeats the bill was sent back for further study, constituting a temporary defeat for the government. But this is a war against the people and there is no place or time for complacency. Without a clear political direction, the masses of Argentina are marching again, as in the economic crisis of 2001, to defend their basic rights. Within two months of the installation of a new government, cacerolazos and demonstrations had become the new normality. Those progressive forces who are debating whether or not the time is ripe to confront the government, would do well to remember the apt observation of Juan Perón: “People will march with their leaders at the head or with the heads of the leaders.” |
2024.05.28 14:01 David_Root Is a Second Mortgage Right for You? Key Considerations for Canadians
Second Mortgage Taking out a second mortgage can be a strategic financial decision for many Canadians. Whether you’re looking to consolidate debt, finance home renovations, or cover unexpected expenses, a second mortgage can provide the necessary funds by leveraging the equity in your home. However, it’s crucial to understand the implications and evaluate whether it’s the right choice for you. In this blog, we’ll explore key considerations and provide answers to frequently asked questions about second mortgages in Canada. Understanding Second Mortgages A second mortgage, also known as a 2nd mortgage, is a loan taken against the equity of your home, which serves as collateral. Unlike your primary mortgage, which is the initial loan used to purchase the property, a second mortgage is an additional loan that can be used for various financial needs. It is subordinate to the primary mortgage, meaning in the event of default, the primary mortgage lender gets paid first. Key Considerations
Conclusion A second mortgage can be a useful financial tool for Canadian homeowners when used wisely. Before proceeding, carefully consider your financial situation, the purpose of the loan, and the terms offered by lenders. By doing so, you can make an informed decision that aligns with your long-term financial goals. Always consult with a financial advisor or mortgage specialist to ensure that taking out a second mortgage is the right move for you. FAQs What is a second mortgage? A second mortgage is an additional loan taken out on a property that already has a primary mortgage. It allows homeowners to borrow against the equity they have built in their home. How does a second mortgage differ from a home equity line of credit (HELOC)? While both use home equity as collateral, a second mortgage provides a lump sum amount with a fixed repayment schedule, whereas a HELOC offers a revolving line of credit that can be borrowed from as needed. What are the eligibility requirements for a second mortgage in Canada? Eligibility requirements typically include sufficient home equity, a good credit score, a stable income, and a low debt-to-income ratio. Lenders will assess these factors to determine your ability to repay the loan. Can I use a second mortgage for any purpose? Yes, funds from a second mortgage can be used for various purposes, such as home renovations, debt consolidation, education costs, or unexpected expenses. However, it’s wise to use the funds for investments that can potentially increase your home’s value or improve your financial situation. Are the interest rates on second mortgages higher than primary mortgages? Generally, yes. Second mortgages usually have higher interest rates than primary mortgages because they are riskier for lenders. It’s important to shop around and compare rates from different lenders. What happens if I default on a second mortgage? Defaulting on a second mortgage can lead to serious consequences, including foreclosure. Since the second mortgage is subordinate to the primary mortgage, the primary lender gets paid first from the proceeds of a foreclosure sale. This makes second mortgages riskier and emphasizes the need for careful financial planning. |
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2024.05.28 06:38 TerribleSell2997 Digital Out of Home (DOOH) Market Increasing Demand, Growth Analysis and Future Outlook by 2031
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2024.05.27 20:51 TaxThrowAway000 Brunswick Sardine Fillets in Hot Sauce
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2024.05.27 18:18 Suspicious-Shame475 DH Gate Find List - 500+ Items - Various Categories and High Quality
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2024.05.27 17:54 jetstreamer2 [CLAIM] Second Roman Republic The Triumph
THE DAILY ROMAN
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Written by By Maria Petronia, 29 May, 2072
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CONSTANTINOPLE, SECOND ROMAN REPUBLIC — In a scene unparalleled in modern history, the Second Roman Republic celebrated the triumphant return of Roman forces to Constantinople, a city steeped in the annals of time. This magnificent event, known as the Triumph of Constantinople, marks the first Roman triumph since the celebrated Triumph of Belisarius in 535 AD, also held in this illustrious city.
A Glorious Procession
The Triumph unfolded with grandeur reminiscent of ancient Rome, as Roman soldiers, clad in their cutting-edge Lorica Robotica power armor, marched with precision through the city's historic avenues. Above, the skies were dominated by sleek AVGVSTVS 7th generation aircraft, their flyovers a testament to the Republic's modern military prowess. Among the ranks of the marching soldiers were the famed Italian units, composing Caesar's Legions, their presence a living link to the storied past.
Red banners bearing the iconic SPQR (Senatus Populusque Romanus) and Roman eagles fluttered proudly along the route of the procession. The streets, lined with jubilant citizens and foreign dignitaries, echoed with cheers and the ancient chants of "Roma Invicta." The air was thick with the scent of incense and the sound of traditional Roman trumpets, adding to the ceremonial atmosphere. Children waved miniature Roman flags, and elderly citizens, many in tears, watched with pride as history came alive before their eyes.
The procession wound its way through the city's most iconic landmarks, including the Forum of Constantine, the Hippodrome, and the majestic Theodosian Walls. Each step of the way, the soldiers were met with adulation and admiration, their gleaming armor reflecting the bright Mediterranean sun. AVGVSTVS fighter jets performed intricate aerial maneuvers, leaving trails of smoke in the colors of the Roman flag—red and gold.
A Speech for the Ages
At the steps of the Hagia Sophia, the architectural marvel and historical symbol of both Roman and Byzantine splendor, Gaius Appuleius Diocles, Consul of the Second Roman Republic, delivered a stirring oration. His speech, rich in propagandistic fervor, commemorated the city's liberation and underscored the historical significance of its return to Roman hands.
"People of the Republic," Diocles proclaimed, "after centuries of darkness, the light of Rome once again shines upon Constantinople. It has been over 600 years since this city was last held by the Romans. Today, we honor not only our ancestors but also our unyielding spirit and indomitable will. The City of the World's Desire is Roman once more!"
Diocles continued, emphasizing the symbolic importance of Constantinople. "This city, at the crossroads of East and West, has always been one of the two hearts of the empire. Its liberation is not just a military victory; it is a rebirth of our heritage, a testament to our resilience, and a promise to future generations that the legacy of Rome endures."
The crowd erupted in applause, their voices echoing off the ancient walls of the Hagia Sophia. Diocles' speech, laden with references to Roman history and culture, resonated deeply with the gathered masses. He spoke of Julius Caesar, Augustus, Trajan and Justinian, drawing parallels between their conquests and the modern achievements of the Second Republic. The sense of continuity, of being part of an unbroken chain of history, was palpable.
A City Reclaimed, Yet Changed
While the Triumph brought a wave of nationalistic pride and joy, the reality of modern Constantinople cannot be overlooked. The city, a shadow of its former self, lies on the precarious frontline against a powerful successor state of the Caliphate. The strategic importance of Constantinople has necessitated its placement under strict military administration. The entire coastal region of the Second Republic along the Sea of Marmara and the Hellespont is under direct military control, deemed too dangerous for civilian habitation, but tourism activity is permitted and welcomed.
The urban landscape of Constantinople bears the scars of recent conflicts. Crumbling buildings and bullet-ridden facades stand as grim reminders of the battles fought to reclaim the city. The once-bustling markets and vibrant neighborhoods are eerily quiet, patrolled by Roman soldiers who ensure the security of this vital stronghold. The Hagia Sophia, though still magnificent, now serves a dual purpose as both a symbol of victory and a fortress of defense.
Despite the historic reclamation, the Roman Government has opted not to declare Constantinople its new capital, maintaining Thessalonica as the administrative heart of the Republic. The decision reflects the pragmatic approach of the current administration, balancing historical reverence with contemporary geopolitical realities. Thessalonica, with its existing government infrastructure and relative safety deep within the heartland of the Republic, continues to serve as the nerve center of the Republic's governance and administration.
The military administration in Constantinople is tasked with not only securing the city but also beginning the arduous process of rebuilding and revitalization. Plans are underway to restore key historical sites and infrastructure, with the hope that one day, Constantinople might reclaim its status as a thriving metropolis and capital of the Second Roman Republic. However, for now, the priority remains on security and stabilization, with the city's future still hanging in the balance.
The Rise of the True Romans
The triumphant return to Constantinople comes amidst a period of intense Romanization, spearheaded by the True Romans, the dominant political force since their decisive victory in the 2068 elections. Under their governance, the revival of Roman culture and identity has accelerated dramatically. The popularity and ideological fervor of the True Romans have reached unprecedented heights, galvanizing the population around a renewed sense of Roman identity.
In this new era, nearly all citizens have adopted Latin names, and many cities have reverted to their original Greek or Latin appellations. The resurgence of Roman identity has transcended the fragmented Balkan nationalism that characterized the early 21st century, uniting the diverse populations under a common heritage and destiny.
The True Romans have implemented sweeping cultural reforms aimed at resurrecting the traditions and values of ancient Rome. Latin is now a compulsory language in schools, and Roman history and philosophy are central to the education curriculum. Public ceremonies, festivals, and even daily life have become a fusion of both local and Roman customs.
Social policies have emphasized community and civic duty, drawing inspiration from the principles of Roman citizenship. Public health and education systems have been overhauled, with access to high-quality services now enshrined as a fundamental right. These reforms have fostered a sense of unity and collective purpose, reinforcing the Republic's identity and strengthening its social fabric.
Cultural Renaissance
The Romanization of the Republic extends beyond politics and education. The arts have experienced a renaissance, with a renewed focus on classical themes. Literature, theater, and music all draw heavily from Roman motifs, blending ancient forms with contemporary techniques. Roman architecture is ever present, with new public buildings and monuments designed in a modern neoclassical style, harking back to the grandeur of Rome's golden age. Key examples of this can be seen with the Senate, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Ministry of Defense.
A Future Steeped in History
As the Second Roman Republic celebrates its monumental triumph, the path forward is fraught with challenges. Yet, the rebirth of Roman glory in Constantinople stands as a powerful symbol of resilience and renewal. The echoes of ancient Rome, carried forward by the modern Republic, offer a beacon of hope and strength in a tumultuous world.
The Triumph of Constantinople is more than a historical milestone; it is a testament to the enduring legacy of Rome and the unbreakable spirit of its people. As the Republic moves forward, the lessons of the past and the achievements of the present will continue to guide its journey into the future. In this new chapter of history, the Second Roman Republic stands as a bridge between antiquity and modernity, drawing strength from its illustrious heritage while embracing the challenges of the contemporary world. The road ahead is long and uncertain, but with the spirit of Rome rekindled, the Republic faces the future with confidence and resolve. The City of the World's Desire, once again under the aegis of Rome, symbolizes not just a return to past glories, but the dawn of a new era for the Roman people.
Province | Capital | Notes |
---|---|---|
Constantine Military District | Constantinople, Kallipolis | Under military administration with limited civilian habitation |
Thracia | Philippopolis | Turkish Thrace currently being intensely Romanized and integrated |
Macedonia | Thessalonica | |
Moesia | Serdica | |
Achaea et Creta | Athenae | |
Epirus | Dyrrachium | |
Dardania | Naissus | |
Illyria | Salona | Plurality Italian population, extensive presence of Caesar’s Legions |
Histria | Pula | Majority Italian population, pervasive presence of Caesar’s Legions |
Pannonia (Inferior) | Singidunum | |
Pannonia (Superior) | Emona |
Economic Indicator | As of December 31st, 2072 |
---|---|
Total GDP ($ in mm) | $3,319,041 |
Population (mm) | 60.80 |
GDP per Capita ($) | $54,589 |
National Debt ($ in mm) | $48,000 |
Debt-to-GDP | 1.45% |
Budget, % of GDP | 50% |
Budget ($ in mm) | $1,659,521 |
Ministry | Budget ($ in mm) | Share of Total Budget |
---|---|---|
Ministry of Justice | $66,381 | 4.0% |
Ministry of Foreign Affairs | $41,488 | 2.5% |
Ministry of Finance | $41,488 | 2.5% |
Ministry for Culture | $41,488 | 2.5% |
Ministry of Infrastructure | $124,464 | 7.5% |
Ministry of Interior | $182,547 | 11.0% |
Ministry of Health | $348,499 | 21.0% |
Ministry of Defense | $224,035 | 13.5% |
Ministry of Education | $215,738 | 13.0% |
Ministry for the Environment | $83,806 | 5.1% |
Ministry of Maritime Affairs | $82,976 | 5.0% |
Ministry of Innovation | $24,893 | 1.5% |
Consul's Office | $4,149 | 0.3% |
Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs | $94,593 | 5.7% |
Subtotal | $1,576,544 | 95.0% |
Debt Service | $82,976 | 5.00% |
TOTAL | $1,659,521 | 100.00% |
Issuer | Coupon | Issue Date | Maturity Date | Amount Outstanding | Majority Creditors | Interest |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Second Roman Republic | 0.500% | 9/1/2055 | 9/1/2080 | $48,000,000,000 | IZANAMI Consortium | $240,000,000 |
TOTAL | $48,000,000,000 | $240,000,000 |
Position | Individual |
---|---|
Princeps | Maximus Decimus Meridius |
Consul | Gaius Appuleius Diocles |
Praetor of Defense | Lucius Vorenus |
Praetor of Justice | Valeria Octavia |
Praetor of Foreign Affairs | Lucius Varro |
Praetor of Finance | Marcus Janus |
Praetor for Culture | Maria Pleminia |
Praetor of Infrastructure | Severus Maximus |
Praetor of Interior | Lucila Cartholo |
Praetor of Health | Julianus Sanitas |
Praetor of Education | Quintus Valerius |
Praetor for the Environment | Octavia Junia |
Praetor of Maritime Affairs | Evander Pulchio |
Praetor of Innovation | Cato Delenda |
Tribune of Labour and Social Affairs | Tiberius Gracchus |
Position | Individual |
---|---|
Aedile of the Frumentarii | Livia Drusilla |
Legate of the Constantine Military District | Tiberius Antonius |
Magister Militum | Titus Pullo |
Legate of the Legions | Servius Planta |
Legate of the Navy | Victorinus Russo |
Legate of the Air Force | Remus Tiberius |
Imperator of Caesar's Legions | Armando Rossi Gothicus |
Party/Coalition | Leaning | Seats | Seat Share |
---|---|---|---|
True Romans | Roman Populists | 400 | 80.00% |
Populares | Left / Center-Left | 40 | 8.00% |
Movement for Change | Left-wing, social democracy | 10 | 2.00% |
Democratic Union | Center-left | 10 | 2.00% |
Movement for Rights and Freedoms | Center-left, social liberalism | 15 | 3.00% |
Coalition of the Radical Left | Left wing, social democracy, secularism | 4 | 0.80% |
Optimates | Right / Center-Right | 35 | 7.00% |
New Democracy | Center-right, liberal conservatism | 8 | 1.60% |
There is Such a People | Center-right, fiscal conservatism | 10 | 2.00% |
Christian Democratic Party | Center-right, christian democracy | 15 | 3.00% |
Union for the Homeland and the People | Right-wing, national conservatism | 2 | 0.40% |
Regionalist and Other Minor Parties | Left-wing to Right-wing | 25 | 5.00% |
Democratic Party of Epirus | Centre-right, Epirote regionalist interests | 5 | 1.00% |
Achean Solution | Right-wing, Achean regionalist interests | 5 | 1.00% |
Democratic Party for Pannonia | Right-wing, Pannonian regionalist interests | 5 | 1.00% |
Union of Democratic Forces | Left-wing, Former Yugoslav regionalist interests | 5 | 1.00% |
Italia Irredenta | Italian revanchism | 5 | 1.00% |
TOTAL | 500 | 100.00% |
2024.05.27 17:53 Then_Marionberry_259 MAY 22, 2024 AAG.V AFTERMATH SILVER OBTAINS PERMITS FOR ADDITIONAL DRILLING AT BERENGUELA
https://preview.redd.it/8xqdomarqz2d1.png?width=3500&format=png&auto=webp&s=26640fc0480bffbc0efa8af87755335e4b179ede submitted by Then_Marionberry_259 to Treaty_Creek [link] [comments] Vancouver, British Columbia--(Newsfile Corp. - May 22, 2024) - Aftermath Silver Ltd. (TSXV: AAG) (OTCQB: AAGFF) (the "Company" or "Aftermath Silver") is pleased to announce that its wholly owned Peruvian subsidiary, Aftermath Silver Peru S.A.C, has obtained drilling approval via the amendment of its Semi-Detailed Environmental Impact Assessment (MEIAsd), for the further development of the Berenguela Project in Puno, Peru. This amendment was granted on 29th April 2024 by a Directorial Resolution of the Mining Environmental Authority of the Peruvian Ministry of Energy and Mines (Resolucion Directoral No. 0120-2024-MINEM/DGAAM de 29 de abril de 2024) and grants a 30-month period for drilling activities from the date that the company informs the General Mining Authority of the Peruvian Ministry of Energy and Mines of the commencement of works. The MEIAsd includes 140 drillpads consisting of 115 drillpads for diamond drilling (up to 329 holes), and 25 drillpads for reverse circulation drilling (up to 75 holes). Access agreements with surface rights holders are in place and the drilling program can be initiated. Ralph Rushton, CEO and Director commented, "We are very pleased to have received the approval for additional exploration and development drill programs at Berenguela and thank the Peruvian authorities for their support in approving our planned activities. We believe this approval allows us to execute infill and engineering drilling through the Preliminary Economic Assessment and Pre-feasibility phases of the project. Our technical team is currently designing a program to confirm and explore for high-grade mineralization on the margins of the known mineralization, and to complete other engineering drilling required to support our ongoing studies." Berenguela Project: Background
https://www.aftermathsilver.com/site/assets/files/5843/722031-aftermath-berenguela-mineral-resource-estimate.pdf Berenguela Ag-Cu-Mn deposit Mineral Resource as of 31 January 2023 https://preview.redd.it/a4dy9adrqz2d1.png?width=720&format=png&auto=webp&s=8b4101164f69a2e509924c4a0d2395d00f7512c6 Notes:
Qualified person Michael Parker, a fellow of the AusIMM and a non-independent director of Aftermath, is a non-independent qualified person, as defined by National Instrument 43-101. Mr. Parker has reviewed the technical content of this news release and consents to the information provided in the form and context in which it appears. Dan Kappes, a Registered Professional Engineer (Mining Engineer #3223, Metallurgical Engineer #3223) in the State of Nevada, USA, and Founder and President of Kappes, Cassiday & Associates, is the qualified person set out in National Instrument 43-101 (NI 43-101) responsible for overseeing the design and execution of the metallurgical test program and has reviewed and approved the contents of this release. About Aftermath Silver Ltd. Aftermath Silver is a leading Canadian junior exploration company focused on silver and aims to deliver shareholder value through the discovery, acquisition and development of quality silver projects in stable jurisdictions. Aftermath has developed a pipeline of projects at various stages of advancement. The company's projects have been selected based on growth and development potential. ON BEHALF OF THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS "Ralph Rushton" Ralph Rushton CEO and Director 604-484-7855 The TSX Venture Exchange does not accept responsibility for the adequacy or accuracy of this release. Cautionary Note Regarding Forward-Looking Information Certain of the statements and information in this news release constitute "forward-looking information" within the meaning of applicable Canadian provincial securities laws. Any statements or information that express or involve discussions with respect to interpretation of exploration programs and drill results, predictions, expectations, beliefs, plans, projections, objectives, assumptions or future events or performance (often, but not always, using words or phrases such as "expects", "is expected", "anticipates", "believes", "plans", "projects", "estimates", "assumes", "intends", "strategies", "targets", "goals", "forecasts", "objectives", "budgets", "schedules", "potential" or variations thereof or stating that certain actions, events or results "may", "could", "would", "might" or "will" be taken, occur or be achieved, or the negative of any of these terms and similar expressions) are not statements of historical fact and may be forward-looking statements or information. These statements involve known and unknown risks, uncertainties and other factors that may cause actual results or events to differ materially from those anticipated in such forward‐looking statements. Although the Company believes the expectations expressed in such forward‐looking statements are based on reasonable assumptions, such statements are not guarantees of future performance and actual results or developments may differ materially from those in the forward‐looking statements. Factors that could cause actual results to differ materially from those in forward‐looking statements include, but are not limited to, changes in commodities prices; changes in expected mineral production performance; unexpected increases in capital costs; exploitation and exploration results; continued availability of capital and financing; differing results and recommendations in the Feasibility Study; and general economic, market or business conditions. In addition, forward‐looking statements are subject to various risks, including but not limited to operational risk; political risk; currency risk; capital cost inflation risk; that data is incomplete or inaccurate. The reader is referred to the Company's filings with the Canadian securities regulators for disclosure regarding these and other risk factors, accessible through Aftermath Silver's profile at [www.sedar.com*](https://api.newsfilecorp.com/redirect/rvggAhX0M0).* There is no certainty that any forward‐looking statement will come to pass and investors should not place undue reliance upon forward‐looking statements. The Company does not undertake to provide updates to any of the forward‐looking statements in this release, except as required by law. Cautionary Note to US Investors - Mineral Resources This News Release has been prepared in accordance with the requirements of Canadian National Instrument 43-101 - Standards of Disclosure for Mineral Projects (''NI 43-101'') and the Canadian Institute of Mining, Metallurgy and Petroleum Definition Standards, which differ from the requirements of U.S. securities laws. NI 43-101 is a rule developed by the Canadian Securities Administrators that establishes standards for all public disclosure an issuer makes of scientific and technical information concerning mineral projects. Canadian public disclosure standards, including NI 43-101, differ significantly from the requirements of the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (the "SEC"), and information concerning mineralization, deposits, mineral reserve and resource information contained or referred to herein may not be comparable to similar information disclosed by U.S. companies. To view the source version of this press release, please visit https://www.newsfilecorp.com/release/209985 https://preview.redd.it/d33ayeerqz2d1.png?width=4000&format=png&auto=webp&s=b6e432fcf42315a0a71aba073669497bd2cdbca4
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2024.05.27 17:52 LawStudentAndrew [WTS] Type Coins (pre-33/20c), 1950s Mint Set, Canadian 5% back, World Mixed Lot, 50% 7% back, Swiss, Cuban, and Belgium
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2024.05.27 15:47 MightBeneficial3302 Generation Uranium Investor Presentation Q1-2024 (TSXV:GEN, FSE:W85)
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